Not letting you guys trick me into watching a film again! He Man was okay, you can tell some people involved think carefully about masculinity but the theme never really comes together, and Tela gets sidelined for her sad dad. It suffers for coming out during the woke interregnum

Before The Interregnum: The Long Reign & Lasting Legacy Of Ogiame Akengbuwa newscrackersng.com/before-th…

It's a great exam question. The best theory I read was afterwards any surviving judiciary would ratify acceptable acts during the interregnum. But it's still a circular argument, as are there still statutes if parliament is at such odds with people it's effectively overthrown?

Department of Interregnum Affairs POLICY MATRIX: DEPENDENCY VS. FLOURISHING We have a choice. You have a choice. You can think early like us or wait for “them” to “come and save us”. Think early like us. Read on. You are changing the world.

Are you really surprised that Cherington is doing so poorly? Look at his record with the interregnum Red Sox and then the Blue Jays. He did little to nothing in either spot.

June 14, 1662 – Execution of Henry Vane the Younger on Tower Hill On June 14, 1662, the English statesman Henry Vane the Younger was executed by beheading on Tower Hill in London for high treason during the Stuart Restoration. Vane had been a leading figure in the Parliamentarian cause during the English Civil Wars and played a significant role in the republican government of the Interregnum following the execution of Charles I. His political ideas often leaned toward constitutionalism and religious toleration, making him both influential and controversial in the shifting political landscape of mid-17th-century England. After the monarchy was restored under Charles II in 1660, former republican leaders were targeted for retribution. Although Vane had not been directly involved in the regicide of Charles I, his refusal to fully acknowledge the legitimacy of the restored monarchy and his prominent role in the Commonwealth era led to his arrest, conviction, and eventual execution in 1662. #OTD #OnThisDay #OnThisDate #TodayInHistory #ThisDayInHistory #historyfacts #HistoricMoment #history #HistoryWillRemember #HistoricDay #EuropeanHistory #BritishHistory #EnglishHistory #Renaissance #MedievalEngland #RoyalHistory #Stuart #Stuarts #StuartEngland #StuartDynasty #EnglishCivilWar #CharlesII #StuartRestoration

"The Abundance Interregnum" Brian forces me to the dictionary every time I read one of his posts. 😁 For anyone like me: 📚 Interregnum: /ˌin(t)ərˈreɡnəm/ An interregnum is a period of discontinuity or a "gap" in a government, organization, or social order. The term literally translates from Latin as "between reigns."

The protagonist’s flirtation with Neo-Ludditism embodies a universal temptation: to smash the machines (or regulate them into irrelevance) rather than transcend the scarcity paradigm. It acknowledges real human pain the loss of craft traditions, communal labor bonds, and tangible purpose yet warns that pure reaction leads to futility and further entrapment. We already witness proto-versions of this cautionary dynamic unfolding in real time, particularly in socialist-leaning political rhetoric and policy proposals that begin with seemingly compassionate “protect workers” or “anti-robot” framing but risk morphing into the very bureaucratic absurdity depicted in the episode. What starts as concern over displacement often evolves into expansive state controls, wealth redistribution mechanisms, and redefined “jobs” that prioritize political narratives over genuine human flourishing. The Abundance Interregnum is not a crisis to manage but a heroic threshold to cross. With courage, wisdom, and love, we will emerge not with hollow paperwork, but with creation unbound and humanity renewed. Read more…

This post was taken down on TT for a reason; most people don’t know this. We are operating with a totally illegitimate government. We are in the interregnum. interregnum /ĭn″tər-rĕg′nəm/ noun 1The interval of time between the end of a sovereign's reign and the accession of a successor. 2A period of temporary suspension of the usual functions of government or control. 3A gap in continuity.

June 12: Broken bottles on our foreheads, bludgeon on the back; democracy, is this your face? Festus Adedayo (Published by the Sunday Tribune, June 14, 2026) It was the year 2000 or 2001. We were seated almost in a circumference. The venue was the Presidential Villa in Aso Rock, Abuja. We awaited the arrival of President OIusegun Obasanjo. The event was the monthly Presidential Media Chat. It was a forum where the president took questions from select editors. This evening, the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) was programmed to beam it live to the world. Cameras were readied for action. Their minders jealously fiddled with their objects to be sure nothing programmed to go right ever went wrong. As a first-timer here, all I did was to turn the whole place into some ball of historical philosophizing. Like an eagle encircling the sky, my mind pawed over past enervating stories about the mythic Aso Rock. This was where a now feeble Ibrahim Babangida, at the autumn of power, proclaimed magisterially, like Saturn, the Roman god of time, that he was not only in office but in power.This was the same place where goggled Sani Abacha breathed his last and facts of his expiry are now as splintered as bullets from the guns of his goons. Then I remembered Francisco Goya. A Spanish artist, Goya’s painting of Saturn, sometime between 1820 and 1823, which he entitled Saturn Devouring His Son, depicted the Greek myth of Saturn eating a child of his. The myth was that, out of fear of a prophecy by Gaea that one of his children would overthrow him, Saturn turned cannibal, committing filicide in the process. As I sat in what was once Babangida’s Aso Rock, I ruminated over how the Saturn painting fitted the Minna General perfectly. For fear of what would become of him after leaving office, Babangida, right inside this sprawling cultic home of power, attempted to gobble a democratic Nigeria. Aso Rock, my mind constantly echoed: This was where soldiers midwifed the crisis that almost ate Nigeria during the June 12 crisis! Seated inside that brightly lit, picturesque and beautifully idyllic section of Aso Rock were John Momoh of the then fledgling Channels television, as anchor; Nkechi Nwankwo of the Champion newspaper, one Muhammed representing the New Nigerian newspaper and me, of the Nigerian Tribune. Opposite us was a coterie of media aides and ministers, as well as the presidential spokesman, Mr. Tunji Oseni. When eventually the curtains were lifted on the chat, these people clapped like the fawners that they were. Obasanjo committed a number of gaffes during the chat which he needed to be told of. It didn’t matter. The god must earn his fawn. Earlier, Oseni had lent us a temporary usage of his office inside the Villa. We apportioned time of talk, dissected the questioning session into social, political and economic, while no one, including Obasanjo, knew what we had on our minds to ask the president. A few months before, the mythic but long-awaited democratic rule was celebratorily ushered into Nigeria. On May 29, 1999, Nigerians sang that conquest song usually sung in traditional Yoruba palaces when a would-be chieftaincy holder/king had surmounted all hurdles and successfully ascended the ancestral stool of their forefathers. Nigerians were literally singing that victorious song, “Ìwonpápá, ìwonnà/A ti m’óyè yìí je/Ìwonnà...” Expectations hung in the sky like strange hieroglyphics in the heavens. You could reach for one, cut a sizeable chunk and masticate expectations. The media was the major culprit of this Nigerian Charles Dickens’ Great Expectations. For decades, it built an El-Dorado of a democratic Nigeria that would solve all Nigerian existential challenges. May 29, the people assumed, was good riddance to bad rubbish of military rule. By 1998 when General Sani Abacha suddenly expired like a threatening apparition, the military had harvested huge disdain of the Nigerian people. Their khaki represented repression, the boots punishing affliction and the institution itself a metaphor for retrogression and damnation. By then, for just a fleeting four-year interregnum, Second Republic civil rule came out to dance like the magical masquerade Yoruba call Eégun Aláré. This was, literally, a group of magicians or entertainer Yoruba masquerades known for their highly theatrical, costumed ancestral spirits who deploy magic, illusions, and incantations to entertain and awe their community. Their entertainments, like civil rule at the time, was short-lived. Conversely however, for 28 years, men in starched khaki ruled Nigeria. May 29, 1999 thus represented, for Nigerians, an arrival from the biblical Egypt, land of torment and arrival in the promised land of Israel. Nigerians’ expectations from democracy reminded me of George Orwell’s Animal Farm. This Orwellian script came in the form of an allegorical novella. It centered round animals on a Manor Farm as cast who overthrew their oppressive human farmer, Mr. Jones. Placed side by side Orwell’s, Nigeria had its own replica of the respected boar called Old Major who dreamed of an El-Dorado animal world and constantly gathered the animals to share his dream. Expectant that a successful rebellion would create an equal, free society, the animals sang, Beasts of England, beasts of Ireland/Beasts of every land and clime/Hearken to my joyful tidings/Of the golden future time... They dreamed that, upon sending the neglectful, drunken farmer, Mr. Jones, from the farm, they would live in a dreamworld of perfection for beasts. Like Old Major, we also had the Gani Fawehinmis, Alao Aka-Bashoruns, Femi Falanas, Frank Kokoris, Ndubuisi Kanus and many other human rights activists who canonized democracy. In a post-military Nigeria, agbada, Isiagwu, babanriga would trump khaki and jackboots and bring us joy, they sermonized. When we arrive the beautiful boulevard of civil rule, they told us, and as Old Major said of human rule, military rule, which was the cause of animals’/Nigerian misery, would evaporate forever and in civil rule, we would know no sorrow. However, upon their spontaneous revolt, the pigs immediately morphed into a more tyrannical Mr. Jones, becoming even more corrupt, far more power-hungry dictators. They eventually transformed the farm into a totalitarian regime identical to and perhaps worse than the human rule they overthrew. Meanwhile, in Aso Rock that day, John Momoh signified for me to fire my salvo at our own Snowball, the new leader of the Animal Farm. I carefully parceled the morsel for him to swallow thus: “Mr. President, perhaps because I am closer to a species of humanity called the common man, I am able, more than you, to accurately feel his pulse. I don’t know if you know that the common man is saying that the life he lived under the military was quite better, comparatively, than life now under you in a democracy. Aren’t you bothered, Mr. President?” In his characteristic clearing of phlegm off his throat, Obasanjo cleared the room for the impending ballistics. And he began, with military precision, an attempt to shred my question into smithereens. He identified what he had done in few months of being in government and ended by saying, “Don’t let us put words in the mouth of the common man!” His answer was however very simplistic. The background to my question was that an ominous shroud was by then hovering over Nigeria. Labour was threatening to go on strike. Costs of food had skyrocketed. Obasanjo hadn’t totally shed his military toga of tyranny. Odi and Zaki-Biam, where he ordered an Apartheid-like Soweto mow of residents, were soon to follow. Politicians had begun to live like the new Snowball. They had tampered with our general code that all animals were equal. In its stead, they hung up in the sky a parodied new rule: Politicians are more equal than others. From Obasanjo to Umaru Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari and now, Bola Tinubu, Nigeria merely witnesses change of baton of a punisher for a greater punisher. We exchange tyrannical Snowballs for heartless Napoleons. While in Animal Farm, Snowball, who initially took over its running, was mild, Napoleon eventually exiled Snowballs, seizing absolute control. Our new democratic Napoleons do not have blood flowing in their veins. Exactly 27 years after civil rule, Nigerians are forced to ask this philosophical but painful, anguish-propelled question Yoruba often ask themselves at point of suffering, hopelessness, mirth-lessness, “Broken bottles on our foreheads, bludgeon on the back; Is this how they play comradeship at the Ede market?” Its parent word is actually, “Òpáláńbá ń’wájú, kùmò l’éyìn orùn, sé b’òjú ti rí nìyí, t’áa fi ńje obì l’ójà Ede?” The truth is, 27 years after, as I asked Obasanjo in 2000/2001, democracy has been a huge disappointment to the people of Nigeria. Put differently, 27 years after, those behind the wheels of our democratic travel have so brazenly demonized the concept of democracy in our everyday lives, that democracy appears far worse in outlook than military rule. A recent NOIPolls on the state of democracy in Nigeria shows a paradox of widespread dissatisfaction with current governance, as well as spiking mistrust. According to NOIPolls, “72% of Nigerians express dissatisfaction with democratic governance, with 46% stating they are ‘not satisfied at all.’" On geopolitical basis,dissatisfaction is said to be highest in the South-East (58%) and South-South (56%), compared to the North-East where dissatisfaction sits lower at 33%. Yes, democracy brings freedom, but we can still see manacles on our hands. Comparatively, life in 1999, before civilians took over the reins, was far better and more qualitative than now. More Nigerians have died in the last 27 years than those killed by military guns and the 1967-1971 civil war. Indeed, more Nigerians have died under insurgency, bandits and kidnappers in the last 15 years than they did in the 28 years of military rule. As I was downing my pen writing this, retired General Rabe Abubakar, kidnapped by bandits, was announced dead in captivity. Yet, all we hear are governmental promises that all would be well. Hundreds still remain in captivity. The quality of those who govern us and the stuff of minds that go into governance, again comparatively between military and civil rule, have also dwindled considerably. More fundamentally, there is more ethnic tension than there was in 1999. Nigerians are today more radicalized in mutual ethnic hatred, and are more at the borders of ethnic wars than they have ever been. In terms of food security, if democracy was conceptualized to bring abundance, Nigerians feel like they are in a famine situation. Some say the fault isn’t the concept but its Nigerian actors who tar-brushed democracy. Some others say all we need do is decolonize democracy. To them, the problem is our failure to make a hybrid of this foreign democratic concept by blending it with local content. Party politics, the engine room of democracy, is totally cannibalized for personal reasons. No genuine person ready to serve the people can emerge from this process called democracy. Politicians have become archetypes of Rastafarians’ Babylon. In that Rastafari culture which took roots in the West Indies, Babylon is a metaphor for oppressive, corrupt, and unjust systemic powers. It represents wonky modern societal structures, governments and authorities whose laws and systems are designed to keep marginalized or everyday people struggling and disenfranchised perpetually. In the hands of politicians of Nigeria, democracy has become a vampire which, in the words of Bob Marley, is “suckin' the children day by day". In another Marley line, as if referencing Nigerian politicians, he says, “Dem belly full but we hungry.” Institutions of democracy like the electoral commission have become mannequin to be toyed with in the hands of the executive. Corruption of the last 27 years are perhaps worse than the previous 39 years. While, a la Kaduna Nzeogwu, Nigerian politicians of the First Republic were 10 percenters, the ones of today heist the total sum of contracts. What makes matters worse is that, the ballot box, which should free suffering Nigerians from this democratic bondage, has become their affliction. How do I mean? In 1973, a bank robbery took place in Stockholm, Sweden. It became a 6-day standoff where bank staff were held hostage at gunpoint. During this period, the captive bank employees unexpectedly began to develop unnatural bonds with their captors. Upon their release and the kingpins arraigned in court, the hostages declined to testify against their captors. They even raised money to defend them. Stockholm syndrome then became a psychological response of a captive or abuse victim developing an emotional bond with their captor. In Nigeria, between the electorate and the politicians, there is a Stockholm syndrome. Voters are in love with politicians who serially afflict them. They shout their praises on the social media while hunger clobbers their bellies. By 2027, even with hopelessness as their next-door neighbour, the Nigerian electorate will still vote for these captors. But, what do we do? We must continue to hope against hope! We however will not cease asking democracy, which we thought was our comrade and hoped would rescue us: “Òpáláńbá ń’wájú, kùmò l’éyìn orùn, sé b’ójú ti rí nìyí, t’áa fi ńje obì l’ójà Ede?” Why, comrade, did you hit us with broken bottle on the forehead and bludgeon us on the back, Democracy? Is this how they play comradeship at the Ede market?

People are underestimating Vasan. His is the only party to be a part of the central government since 1996! There was a brief interregnum between 2014 and 2017. And ofcourse now

. ********************************************************* A Robin Reynolds Exclusive Reveal ********************************************************* . THE MILLER DOSSIER Stephen Miller was born into everything he's spent his life trying to destroy . There is a question that follows Stephen Miller everywhere, asked by classmates, colleagues, journalists, and his own family, and it has never been answered satisfactorily. How does a Jewish kid from a wealthy liberal family in Santa Monica, California, the grandson of refugees who fled antisemitic pogroms in Belarus, the product of a country that opened its doors to his ancestors when they had nothing, become the most powerful anti-immigration official in the history of the United States government? The answer is not complicated. It is just ugly. This is his file. . THE FAMILY HE CAME FROM Stephen Nathan Miller was born August 23, 1985, in Santa Monica, California. He grew up the middle child of three in a five-bedroom home valued at approximately $1 million in the North of Montana neighborhood —one of the wealthiest enclaves in greater Los Angeles. His father Michael, a Stanford-educated lawyer, cofounded a corporate and real estate law firm and helped reconstruct the world-famous Santa Monica Pier. His mother Miriam, a Columbia University School of Social Work graduate, worked with troubled teens before pivoting to the family real estate business. Together they own and operate approximately 2,500 residential units in California under the name California Villages. His uncle David Glosser, a retired neuropsychologist who would later become one of the most important witnesses to who Stephen Miller actually is, described the household plainly in a PBS Frontline interview: Stephen grew up in a privileged family. He certainly never wanted for anything. He never had any part-time jobs as a kid. There was household help. It was an upper-middle-class-aspiring lifestyle. That household help was provided by Latin American immigrants. The family history Miller built his career destroying is specific and documented. His mother's ancestors —Wolf Lieb Glotzer and his wife Bessie —immigrated to the United States from the Russian Empire's Antopol, in what is present-day Belarus, arriving in New York on January 7, 1903, escaping the antisemitic pogroms that were systematically murdering Jewish communities across Eastern Europe. They arrived at Ellis Island with $8. They came through exactly the kind of chain migration —family members sponsoring subsequent arrivals —that Stephen Miller has spent his entire career trying to destroy. In 2018, his uncle David Glosser published a scathing op-ed in Politico calling Miller an immigration hypocrite and writing: "I have watched with dismay and increasing horror as my nephew, who is an educated man and well aware of his heritage, has become the architect of immigration policies that repudiate the very foundation of our family's life in this country." Had Miller's own policies been in effect at the turn of the century, Glosser wrote, their family would have been wiped out. Miller has never publicly responded to his uncle's op-ed. He is, as his uncle noted, an educated man. He knows exactly what he is doing. That is the point. . THE CHILD HE WAS Miller attended Franklin Elementary School, Lincoln Middle School, and Santa Monica High School —known locally as SAMOHI. He was bar mitzvahed at Beth Shir Shalom and confirmed at the Santa Monica Synagogue. The first documented signs of what he would become appeared early and are specific. Before entering high school, Miller told a childhood friend named Jason Islas that they could no longer be friends because Islas was Latino. No argument. No drift apart. He was 14 years old. The friendship ended because of the other boy's ethnicity. A classmate who knew him in those years described him in a book: "He was off by himself all the time. His desk was a mess with stuff mashed up, and he would pour glue on his body, then peel it off, and eat it." By high school the glue was gone. The isolation had found an ideological costume. As a freshman, Miller wrote a letter to a local website complaining: "When I entered Santa Monica High School in ninth grade, I noticed a number of students lacked basic English skills. There are usually very few, if any, Hispanic students in my honors classes, despite the large number of Hispanic students that attend our school." In the same piece, titled "Political Correctness Out of Control," he lamented the school's promotion of safe sex and claimed an LGBT club was "fostering" homosexuality. He likened classmates who opposed the Iraq War to terrorists. He wrote that Osama Bin Laden would feel very welcome at Santa Monica High School. He was sixteen. During his junior year, he gave a campaign speech for a student government position that was perceived as so racist and classist by the diverse student body that he was thrown off the stage. He appeared on conservative talk radio while still in high school, citing Rush Limbaugh as a formative influence. He challenged Latino students to speak English in the hallways. He fought against bilingual school announcements. His classmates' collective memory of him is unambiguous. "We didn't like him," former classmate Natalie Flores said. "He was rude, he was racist, he was a misogynist, he was absolutely obnoxious." Class student body president Justin Brownstone told reporters: "I never thought I'd have to remember things about Stephen Miller." . DUKE UNIVERSITY —WHERE THE IDEOLOGY HARDENED Miller enrolled at Duke University in 2003. What happened there completed the transformation from angry teenager to ideological operative. At Duke, Miller became acquainted with Richard Spencer —a white supremacist who would go on to become a central figure of the deadly Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville in 2017, and the man who coined the term "alt-right." Spencer told Mother Jones in 2016 that he acted as a mentor to Miller. Miller organized an event at Duke featuring white nationalist Peter Brimelow, founder of the white nationalist website VDARE. He remained in contact with both Brimelow and Spencer throughout his time at Duke and beyond. At Duke, Miller was a columnist for The Chronicle and president of the Duke chapter of Students for Academic Freedom —a David Horowitz organization. He used the column, called Miller Time, to advance the same arguments he had been making in high school, now polished into something that could be mistaken for political philosophy. He graduated in 2007 with a degree in political science. . THE CAREER —BUILDING THE MACHINE After graduating, Miller worked as press secretary for Representatives Michele Bachmann and John Shadegg. In 2009 he joined the staff of Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions, where he worked on immigration policy and helped defeat the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act of 2013 —a bipartisan immigration reform bill that would have provided a path to citizenship for millions of undocumented people. While working for Sessions, Miller was simultaneously operating as an ideological influence broker inside the conservative media ecosystem. From March 2015 to June 2016, Miller sent over 900 emails to Breitbart News editors —specifically to Katie McHugh, then a Breitbart editor who has since publicly renounced her white nationalist ties. The emails, leaked to the Southern Poverty Law Center's Hatewatch by McHugh in 2019, document Miller promoting white nationalist literature, racist immigration narratives, and extremist conspiracy theories to shape Breitbart's coverage and, through it, the broader conservative media conversation. The specific contents of those emails are damning in their specificity. Miller recommended Breitbart write about The Camp of the Saints —a racist French novel popular among neo-Nazis and white nationalists depicting the violent destruction of Western civilization by non-white immigrants. He promoted American Renaissance, a white nationalist publication he referred to by its insider abbreviation "AmRen." He promoted VDARE, Peter Brimelow's white nationalist website. He suggested stories about interracial crime. After the Umpqua Community College mass shooting, Miller emailed McHugh asking: "He is described as 'mixed race' and born in England. Any chance of piecing that profile together more, or will it all be covered up?" McHugh later told the SPLC: "What Stephen Miller sent to me in those emails has become policy at the Trump administration." He was not wrong about that. . THE FIRST TERM —POLICY AS IDEOLOGY Miller joined the Trump campaign in 2016 and became its chief speechwriter and policy architect on immigration. He wrote Trump's inaugural address —the "American carnage" speech. He became Senior Advisor to the President. . What he built in the first term: The Muslim travel ban —executive orders barring entry from majority-Muslim countries, struck down twice by courts before a modified version survived Supreme Court review. The family separation policy —the deliberate separation of migrant children from their parents at the southern border as a deterrent. The policy caused what the Department of Health and Human Services' own Inspector General described as "intense trauma" in children. Thousands of children were separated. Hundreds were not reunited with their families for years. Some have still not been reunited. The Remain in Mexico policy —forcing asylum seekers to wait in Mexico while their cases were processed in U.S. immigration courts, leaving them in dangerous border cities with no legal status or protection. Drastic reductions in refugee admissions —the annual refugee ceiling was cut from 110,000 to 18,000 during Miller's tenure. His name appeared on American Renaissance as an author. A piece he wrote for FrontPage Magazine in 2005, titled "Santa Monica High's Multicultural Fistfights," was republished by the white nationalist website. . THE INTERREGNUM —AMERICA FIRST LEGAL During the Biden years, Miller did not go quietly. He founded and led America First Legal, an organization that launched dozens of lawsuits against Democratic policies, targeting DEI programs, vaccine mandates, and Biden administration immigration policies. It became the legal infrastructure of the MAGA movement during the out-of-power years —a litigation machine designed to tie Democratic governance in knots and generate the base-energizing content that kept Miller's political network warm and ready. He was back in the building before the inauguration was over. . THE SECOND TERM —UNLEASHED In Trump's second administration, Miller serves as Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy and Homeland Security Adviser. Neither position required Senate confirmation. He was announced before traditional national security roles —before the Attorney General, before the Secretary of State, before the National Security Adviser. That sequencing was a signal about who actually runs policy. He is among an exclusive group the president trusts absolutely. In the first term, the policies he devised were considered too extreme and many were reversed by courts. Now, with the president emboldened by his second election win, Miller has found his moment. In May 2025, when normal immigration law enforcement was not producing the results he desired, Miller demanded ICE hit an arrest quota of a minimum of 3,000 people per day. That demand produced the dragnet approach, the school and church raids, the terrorization of communities, the violent sweeps of hard-working parents and grandparents, that has characterized immigration enforcement in 2025 and 2026. Inside the administration, Miller is known by nicknames including "the REAL Attorney General," "Shadow Sec Def," "Prime Minister Miller," and "President Miller" —suggesting colleagues believe it is Trump doing Miller's bidding, not the other way around. Trump reportedly gossips about Miller behind his back over his intense and awkward manner. During Miller's earlier years on Capitol Hill working for Jeff Sessions, Republican staffers were so widely and deeply contemptuous of him that they invented a rumor he liked to play with porcelain dolls —specifically to embarrass him. The rumor spread widely enough that the current White House felt compelled to issue a formal denial. Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt stated for the record: "Stephen Miller does not play with dolls." . THE WIFE —AND WHAT SHE REVEALS ABOUT HIM Stephen Miller met Katie Waldman in 2018 in the Roosevelt Room of the White House, when he was senior adviser and she was on DHS's public affairs team. Her description of how they bonded: "Where does all true love happen? Over border security." At the time, Katie Waldman was the DHS spokesperson defending family separation —the policy her future husband had designed. When an MSNBC journalist asked her in 2018 whether having children of her own might change her view of family separation, she replied: "My family and colleagues told me that when I have kids I'll think about family separation differently. But I don't think so." They married on February 17, 2020 at Trump International Hotel in Washington. Trump attended and spoke at the ceremony, reportedly telling guests: "He is the only one who could have a damn wedding in the middle of Presidents' Day weekend." The wedding itself was at a Trump property under active scrutiny for emoluments clause violations. The man who designed the Muslim ban was married at a hotel that foreign officials were booking specifically to curry favor with the president. They have three children and are expecting a fourth. In 2026, when Fox News host Jesse Watters asked Katie what it was like being married to a "sexual matador" —a designation Watters had previously bestowed on Miller, apparently without irony —she replied: "He is an incredibly inspiring man who gets me going in the morning with his speeches being like, 'Let's start the day. I am going to defeat the left, and we are going to win.'" He wakes up and gives speeches. To his wife. In the morning. About defeating the left. . AMERICAN PSYCHO A colleague once described Miller as a "proud sartorialist" who regularly dispensed advice on fabric weights, lapel widths, and the correct tie for the season. Sean Spicer, the White House press secretary, was photographed lint-rolling his suit before an on-camera interview. In December 2018, Miller appeared on CBS's Face the Nation with what viewers immediately identified as spray-on hair —a hair loss concealment product applied so visibly that one person described it as looking like black mold on his head. Vanity Fair described it as looking like "a rug crafted from artificial weasel fur," and a hair transplant clinic in London published a clinical analysis of his hairline using the Norwood Scale. Stephen Colbert and Trevor Noah both devoted segments to it. After a Vanity Fair photoshoot at the White House, Miller approached the photographer and said: "You know you have a lot of power in the discretion you use to be kind to someone in your photographs." The man who designed family separation wanted the photographer to be nice to him. Readers of a certain literary inclination will recognize the profile. Patrick Bateman, Bret Easton Ellis's fictional Wall Street sociopath, is similarly preoccupied with business card stock, the precise shade of his suits, and the hierarchy of his peers' aesthetic choices —while conducting industrialized violence that nobody around him notices or acknowledges. Ellis wrote that as satire. Miller is living it as biography. The cruelty and the vanity are not in contradiction. They are the same personality, expressed through different instruments. . THE PORTRAIT Stephen Miller is a man who grew up in a wealthy liberal Jewish family in one of the most progressive cities in America, attended elite institutions, built his ideology on the backs of the Latin American immigrants who cleaned his family's house and mowed their lawn, used that ideology to gain access to the most powerful man in the world, and then spent a decade converting that access into the systematic persecution of people whose only crime was wanting what his own great-great-grandfather wanted when he arrived at Ellis Island with $8 in his pocket. His uncle said it best. If Miller's own policies had been in effect when Wolf-Leib Glosser fled the pogroms of Belarus, the Miller family would have been wiped out. Miller knows this. He has always known this. His uncle said so explicitly —that Stephen is an educated man and well aware of his heritage. He chose this anyway. That is the thing that makes him different from a merely cynical political operative. He is not cynical. He believes it. He has believed it since he was fourteen years old and told Jason Islas they couldn't be friends anymore. That belief —nurtured in a million-dollar house in Santa Monica, mentored by a white nationalist at Duke, sharpened in the offices of Jeff Sessions, and finally handed the full machinery of the United States government to express itself —is now law. It is policy. It is the 3,000 arrests per day. It is the children who still haven't been reunited with their parents. It is the schools and the churches and the workplaces and the communities terrorized in the name of a ideology that was born in a privileged teenager's contempt for the people who served his family's dinner. He poured glue on his body. He peeled it off. He ate it. And now he runs immigration policy for the most powerful country on earth. . SOURCES Miller biography, birth, family background —EBSCO Research Starters; Britannica; Wikipedia; Grokipedia. Miller family wealth, North of Montana neighborhood, $1 million home —The Nation, March 10, 2025. Jean Guerrero, Hate Monger: Stephen Miller, Donald Trump, and the White Nationalist Agenda. Wolf-Leib Glosser immigration history, 1903 Ellis Island arrival —Geneastar family tree; Washington Post; CBS News. David Glosser PBS Frontline interview on Miller family wealth and upbringing —PBS Frontline transcript. David Glosser op-ed, "Immigration Hypocrite" —Politico, August 13, 2018. Republished and cited in HuffPost, Washington Post, CBS News, The Guardian, Irish Star. Jason Islas friendship ended over Latino heritage —EBSCO; Democracy Now; The Left Hook Substack, April 2026. Glue-eating classroom behavior —Jean Guerrero, Hate Monger. Goodreads quotes compilation. High school letters, "Political Correctness Out of Control" —TheWrap; Newsweek; AOL/The Independent. Student government speech thrown off stage —Univision exclusive investigation, February 14, 2017. Talk radio appearances, Rush Limbaugh influence —Democracy Now; Univision. Classmate Natalie Flores quote —TheWrap, March 26, 2017. Justin Brownstone quote —TheWrap, March 26, 2017. Richard Spencer as mentor at Duke —Mother Jones, 2016; SPLC Hatewatch; It's Going Down. Peter Brimelow event at Duke —SPLC Hatewatch report. Sessions staffer, immigration bill defeat —Wikipedia; Britannica. 900 emails to Breitbart, Katie McHugh —SPLC Hatewatch five-part series, November 2019; Newsweek; ABC News; The Guardian. Camp of the Saints recommendation —Newsweek; SPLC. American Renaissance promotion —SPLC; It's Going Down. Umpqua shooting email —Newsweek. McHugh quote on emails becoming policy —SPLC Hatewatch. Miller's piece republished on American Renaissance —SPLC Extremist File. Family separation, "intense trauma" finding —HHS Office of Inspector General report, cited in Britannica. Refugee ceiling reduction, 110,000 to 18,000 —State Department Refugee Admissions Program data. America First Legal —The Hill, November 11, 2024. Deputy Chief of Staff appointment, no Senate confirmation required —Britannica; USA Today; CNN; The Hill. 3,000 arrests per day ICE quota —Monocle, February 28, 2026. Nicknames: "REAL Attorney General," "President Miller" etc. —Rolling Stone profile, September 2025; Nicki Swift, February 2026. Trump gossips about Miller —Rolling Stone profile, September 2025. Porcelain dolls rumor, White House denial —Rolling Stone, September 2025; The Daily Beast, September 15, 2025; The Independent, September 15, 2025. Katie Waldman meeting over border security —The List, November 10, 2025; Alex Marlow Show interview. Katie Waldman family separation comment —Jacob Soboroff, Separated: Inside an American Tragedy; The Guardian. Wedding at Trump International Hotel, Trump attendance —USA Today; Yahoo News; New York Times; Newsweek. Trump wedding quote —Philip Wegmann, RealClearNews; Twitter/X post by Reince Priebus. "Sexual matador" dating advice —Jesse Watters Primetime, Fox News, October 8, 2024; The Independent; New Republic; Yahoo Entertainment. Katie Miller "sexual matador" Fox News appearance —The Independent, 2026; AOL; HuffPost, May 6, 2026. Miller fashion obsession, sartorialist —The Atlantic profile, cited in The Independent and AOL, January 7, 2026. Sean Spicer lint-rolling Miller's suit —Reuters photograph, February 2017; cited in The Atlantic and multiple outlets. Spray-on hair incident —CBS Face the Nation, December 16, 2018; Vanity Fair; The List; Nicki Swift; Treatment Rooms London clinical analysis. Miller to Vanity Fair photographer —Christopher Anderson, photographer; cited in The Independent. Patrick Bateman/American Psycho reference —Bret Easton Ellis, American Psycho, Vintage Books, 1991. SPLC Extremist File on Miller —SPLC, updated 2025. Visa waiver program overruled —Factually. co analysis, October 22, 2025. . Copyright © 2026 by Robin Riley Reynolds / All Rights Reserved .

Barring a few pockets in the northwest, for most of India, the culture of martial arts and physicality took its last breath in the 70s. Even after 47 there were still many surviving wrestling/combat akhadas all across North India from Rajasthan to Bengal, most got wiped in the next decades. Kolkata till the commie takeover, had widespread unground 'gladiator pits'; fight to the death run by underworld syndicates. There was big money involved. Brazilians, nepalis, SEAs and africans too used to participate. NE along with the other factors I had stated above hadn't had to face this abrupt interregnum like most of India.

Nous ne sommes pas face à un effondrement, mais à un interregnum : une période de mutation profonde où tout peut se réinventer. Les décideurs qui prospéreront dans les années 2030 ne seront pas ceux qui prédiront l’avenir… mais ceux qui auront la lucidité de ne plus croire que demain ressemblera à hier. J’ai formalisé une doctrine stratégique claire en 5 disciplines pour naviguer cette rupture avec confiance et reprendre l’initiative. 👇 The Interregnum alexandrerispal.substack.com… Prêts à changer de grammaire stratégique ?

An extended interregnum was foreshadowed in the Old Testament. Did The Bible Predict 70 Years Without A Pope?: endtimes.video/bible-predict…

This 1650 claret jug ticks all the boxes for me. Interregnum, folk art, boozey - and would be a lovely thing to own. #keepitstuart

The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear. Knicks in five