The gifting of USD 10,000 by Tungwarara to a selected group of individuals - framed as a reward for excellence in the CAB3 campaign - is not merely an administrative misstep. It is a political insult disguised as recognition, and those among us who have given everything to this cause without expectation of reward are entitled to call it exactly what it is.
What makes this matter particularly dangerous is that discontent among rank-and-file cadres is never a footnote in party politics. It is the warning signal that precedes structural fracture. The everyday activists - those who have no dashboards to display but whose WhatsApp messages reached villages no politician ever visited - are watching closely. When effort is rewarded selectively, politically and dishonestly, the message they receive is that loyalty flows upward toward patrons rather than outward toward the cause. That is a corrosive lesson for any revolutionary movement.
His attempt to sanitise this arrangement by including credible voices - BaShona, Padare, Alligator, Shangrila, Mtisi and others - reveals an awareness of the weakness of the exercise itself. One does not add authentic names to a list of cronies unless one knows the list cannot survive scrutiny on its own. I am proud that those authentic voices declined. Their refusal was a political statement more powerful than the gifting announcement itself because it demonstrated that credibility cannot be purchased and legitimacy cannot be manufactured.
Let us then begin with the most basic question. What metric did Tungwarara use to arrive at his list of “top performers”?
ZANU PF has thousands of online activists operating across X, Facebook, WhatsApp, TikTok, Threads, Instagram and numerous community networks. These cadres worked through the night, absorbed hostile fire from well-funded opposition actors and defended CAB3 through months of sustained information warfare armed with nothing more than ideological conviction and organisational discipline. Yet we are now expected to believe that eighteen individuals - most of them conveniently drawn from Tungwarara’s own orbit - somehow represent the pinnacle of that national effort.
I have the privilege of monitoring social media activity and performance metrics. I know what the numbers say. What they say is damning.
Most of the recipients he has celebrated as top performers are not, by any objective metric, the top performers. If Tungwarara is confident in his assessment, let him publish the criteria. Let the recipients publish their dashboards. We will bring ours to the table and allow the data to speak without sentiment, friendship or patronage.
The truth he appears unwilling to state plainly is far simpler and considerably more troubling. He is not rewarding the best performers. He is rewarding individuals who have consistently prioritised and amplified his personal brand. He should have had the honesty to say so rather than cloaking personal preference in the language of meritocracy. The insult is not the money itself. The insult is the deception that accompanied it.
ZANU PF’s online presence did not materialise with Tungwarara’s recent enthusiasm. These structures were built painstakingly and quietly over many years, from as early as 2008 and more systematically from 2017 and 2018 onwards. They survived the battles of 2018 and 2023. They endured sanctions narratives, coordinated opposition campaigns and every major political contest of the modern era. Hundreds of cadres carried that burden long before Tungwarara arrived on the scene.
Someone was supporting those structures during those years.
It was not Tungwarara.
Everyone who matters within the party and government knows precisely who carried that responsibility. The party’s institutional memory remains intact even when individuals attempt to rewrite history. For Tungwarara to now position himself as the benefactor of a movement he neither founded nor sustained - distributing eighteen portions of USD 10,000 as though he discovered a cause that long predates his involvement - is a historical distortion that cannot go unchallenged.
Loyalty to the party is not a freelance contract activated when cameras appear. It is a long-term commitment, often unrewarded, frequently anonymous and sometimes personally costly. The people who built these networks deserve better than to watch a latecomer claim ownership of a house constructed by others.
For months, the Zimbabwean online space was disrupted by the sustained activities of Rutendo and Acie - activities directed not merely at CAB3 but at the personal reputation of His Excellency President E.D. Mnangagwa and members of his family. This was not ordinary political commentary. It was a sustained campaign against the primary political brand of ZANU PF itself.
The President is not simply another party official. He is the party’s flag bearer, principal electoral asset and national symbol. Attacks on his name, his family and his dignity are attacks on the political capital of the movement. No genuine cadre crosses that line for convenience, relevance or personal positioning.
What makes the Rutendo and Acie matter even more troubling are the persistent claims that someone within our own ranks was providing support to those very operations. The same individual who now distributes USD 10,000 in the name of loyalty to CAB3 is alleged by numerous online actors to have been financially connected to voices attacking CAB3 and undermining the President. If true, that contradiction is not accidental. It reflects a political strategy designed to maintain influence across multiple camps while preserving plausible deniability. That is not the conduct of a loyal cadre. It is the conduct of a political operator.
As if this were not enough, three of the eighteen beneficiaries were individuals expressly barred by His Excellency from participating in online party messaging campaigns, including from invoking his name. This was not rumour or speculation. The instruction was communicated. It was known. Tungwarara himself was made aware of it directly by telephone in my presence.
He proceeded regardless.
That is not oversight. It is defiance.
It is defiance of a clear directive issued by the President of the Republic and First Secretary of ZANU PF. If such instructions can be disregarded whenever personal interests intervene, then serious questions arise regarding what other directives may be treated with similar contempt.
ZANU PF yakauya nehondo. This party was forged in sacrifice, sustained through decades of external hostility and built on the principle that the collective must always take precedence over the individual. Forty-six years of history demand that we apply that standard internally with the same rigour we apply it externally.
The Wild West has no place in ZANU PF structures. Chikudo ichi - this disorder, this impunity, this blurring of personal ambition with party purpose - cannot be allowed to become the new normal.
The Tungwarara affair is not a personal quarrel. It is a test of whether the party’s internal discipline remains equal to its public rhetoric. It is a test of whether loyalty can still outweigh patronage, whether institutional memory can still prevail over opportunism, and whether the movement remains larger than any individual seeking to elevate himself through it.
It must be addressed - decisively, transparently and without hesitation.
ZANU PF cannot be degraded to this level.
Not by anyone.
Not for any amount of money.