People believe that because 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in an Arab war 80 years ago that today they're entitled to wage massacres, bomb busses, hijack planes, and recruit activists for a global intifada. People also believe that because 9 million Jews were displaced in WW2 and 6 million of them were exterminated and nearly another million were ethnically cleansed by Arabs, that they're entitled to no self defense or sovereignty and that “their victim card expired." This is the confluence of the racism of low expectations and raw antisemitism.

This deserves more attention. (It's been up since Sep 2017 and has 396 views.) The Gallery Mike Keller Mike Flannigan Frosty Smith youtu.be/q2ASoyZedxA?si=lXbI… via @YouTube

Not long ago, I wrote about one of the great narrative advantages antizionists have secured for themselves: they position Zionism as the disruptive event, the thing that enters history and must justify itself to the world. Once that move is accepted, everything else becomes easier. Arab and Palestinian politics can slip out the back door. Jewish self-determination is dislodged from the ordinary language of nations, peoples, borders, refugees, war, defeat, compromise, and statecraft. It is marked instead as an alien politics, a permanent intrusion, a problem whose existence must be explained before anything else can even be discussed. To see how extreme this is, imagine the same narrative machinery being used against Palestinians. Imagine a world in which Palestinian celebrities, writers, professors, business owners, and artists were routinely targeted across countries. The crudest people would call them “baby killers.” The more respectable class would ask whether Palestinians had finally produced a realistic solution to the conflict their nationalism helped create. People assumed to be Arab would be stopped in public and asked whether they supported a State of Palestine that depends on violence, ethnic exclusion, and the permanent denial of Jewish self-determination. In the entertainment industry, actors and musicians would be pressured to denounce Palestine before being allowed to keep their reputations. Lists would circulate of pro-Palestine donors, professionals, students, and public figures. People with barely a passing interest in the conflict would somehow know the names of the most brutal or embarrassing figures associated with Palestinian history, and only those figures. They would know the massacres, the rejectionism, the authoritarian leaders, the corruption, the ideological maximalists, the factions that murdered civilians, the schools and media systems that glorified “martyrs,” the diplomats who rejected partition, the movements that turned refugeehood into a permanent political weapon. And then, after years of this, when most ordinary people had grown exhausted by it, the people still doing it would insist that they were merely asking questions. They would call it critique. They would call it anti-nationalism. They would call it concern for human rights. They would deny that any of this had anything to do with Arabs or Palestinians as people, even while Arabs and Palestinians bore the social consequences of the obsession. Meanwhile, political candidates across the democratic world would begin making “criticism of Palestine” and “criticism of Palestinian ideology” central to their campaigns. Campus movements would demand that universities cut ties with Palestinian institutions. Public figures would be asked, again and again, whether they condemn Palestinian self-determination. The entire subject would be organized around the presumption that Palestine is the thing that must answer for itself. This hypothetical is almost impossible to imagine because it is so distant from political reality. Sometimes Zionist propaganda can come close in quality, but microscopic in quantity. That is the achievement of antizionist narrative politics. It constructs Jewish national self-determination as the exceptional case, the suspect case, the one nationalism that must stand before the world and prove that it has a right to exist at all. And once that burden is assigned, everything else follows. To note here at the end, the response to this shouldn’t be imitation. It should be exposure. This kind of politics is disguising and should be rooted out of society. Today it is used against Zionists and Jews generally, but it didn’t begin there and it won’t stop there. It will need to be stopped by people who can see it for what it is and make what it is clear to those who still can’t see it well.

I expose Spanish-Moroccan sports journalist @leylahamed abusing her high profile to claim concern for human rights. She, like so many of her culture, has no concept of universal human rights. Only primitive blood-feuding.

Pres DJT, PM Netanyahu, 🇺🇸, 🇮🇱: you have total air superiority. You have options. Time to make some history.x.com/NeilSchipperWpg/status…

Impatient for GENIUS moves by 🇺🇸&🇮🇱: Airdrops of well thought out instructions to citizens in targeted nayb'hoods w/anti-regime sentiments advising low risk activities, voice/data sat phones. Local anti-regime cells merging with non-IRGC army declaring breakaway provinces/cities.

In fact, it's "Stop threatening international shipping in the Strait of Hormuz or I'm blockading YOUR maritime shipping". It shouldn't be so easy to: - manipulate large numbers of people - deploy paid influence campaigns to promote narratives

How come Jordan and Egypt aren't afraid of Israel bombing them and stealing land? Jordan and Egypt elites learned how to suppress fanatical Islamists, which backwards Arab Muslim societies reliably produce in large numbers.

Progressives see the world in very stark terms. There's good & evil. There's oppressor & oppressed. Suggestions to tolerate nuance, to explore and represent appropriate context, are violations of that binary.

Their modus operand is to block accounts who push against their preferred narratives, particularly when the pushback is calm, reasoned and evidence-based.