Rooted in the Bwishaza Kingdom (Mpembe–Murambi). Human rights activist,Pan-Africanist,co-author of Survivors Uncensored. For truth,justice & liberty. #TeamIneza

Joined January 2022
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💔💔 A luta continua 💔💔
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
A video of South Africans horribly chasing Tanzanian, Asylum Seeker telling him to go back home since there's no war in his Country. So sad! 😳😳
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
There was a time when Kagame denied the ethnic nature of the massacres that followed the assassination of Rwanda’s President. Reminder: An explicit passage from RomĂ©o Dallaire’s book reports these words spoken by Paul Kagame at the very beginning of the genocide: “The UN thinks it is going to send an intervention force for humanitarian reasons. But the people who were supposed to die are already dead. We will fight any intervention army that comes to Rwanda. ‹Let us solve the problems of the country ourselves. [
] It (the UN) presents the problems of Rwanda as ethnic issues, which is inaccurate since the massacres were perpetrated against the Tutsis and the opposition.” Everyone read that clearly. Kagame therefore explicitly denies the ethnic character of the massacres. Cynical opportunism, indifference, lack of emotion? And above all, he declares: “Let us solve the problems of the country ourselves.” So why has he spent the last thirty years opening his mouth to reproach the West for not intervening? He should stop with his endless “Where were you in 1994?” He should stop with his semantic traps for gullible fools: “You abandoned us,” “Where were you when we were being killed?” “You looked the other way.” He should stop with his hypocritical “You have no moral right to lecture us,” when he is the greatest mass criminal still in power. This systematic victimhood rhetoric for over thirty years serves only one purpose: to divert attention, evade the overwhelming responsibilities of the RPF, conceal its own well-documented mass killings, and hide the genocide it carried out in the Congo. This manipulative rhetoric also serves to neutralize any criticism of the ruthless dictatorship he imposes on what has become a vast open-air prison. Yes, life was happier in Rwanda in the 1980s, before the aggression — and not the so-called war of liberation. It is high time for the international community to stop naively accepting this instrumentalized guilt-tripping. It has little to reproach itself for — with the notable exception of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Uganda — other than having been foolishly manipulated by Kagame. It is more than time to stop submitting to the outrageous instrumentalization of the Tutsi genocide, which serves only to indefinitely and illegitimately immunize the corrupt regime in Kigali.
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#Rwanda : quand les enfants paient le prix de l’incarcĂ©ration de leurs parents À Rubavu, cinq enfants se retrouvent dĂ©scolarisĂ©s et livrĂ©s Ă  eux-mĂȘmes aprĂšs l’incarcĂ©ration de leur pĂšre et de leur mĂšre. Un drame humain qui soulĂšve des questions sur la protection de l’enfance, la prĂ©somption d’innocence et les prioritĂ©s sociales dans un pays qui continue de bĂ©nĂ©ficier d’importantes aides internationales. les-mutikeys.com/2026/06/13/

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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
Hello! We’re raising funds to support Rwandan political prisoners and their families during a crucial week of reflection. Every dollar helps us visit these prisoners and provide much-needed support. If you can, please consider donating or sharing this campaign. Thank you for your kindness! gofund.me/ac7ef9591
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
đŸ‡·đŸ‡Œ Dictator @PaulKagame has been #Rwanda’s de facto ruler since 1994 and president since 2000. Over the years, opposition figures such as Victoire Ingabire and DĂ©o Mushayidi have been imprisoned, while critics and political opponents such as AndrĂ© Kagwa Rwisereka have been killed and Boniface Twagirimana have disappeared under deeply troubling circumstances. Kagame’s election results are not the hallmark of a healthy democracy. They reflect a system where opposition is crushed and power is concentrated in one man’s hands. Kagame already changed Rwanda’s constitution in 2015, clearing the way for him to remain in power well beyond the original term limits and potentially rule until 2034. What was presented as a constitutional reform was, in practice, a mechanism to extend the rule of a leader who had already dominated the country’s political and military system for two decades. Now Kagame is going a step further by giving himself control, through presidential decree, over the composition of electoral colleges for district councillors and Kigali local government leaders. In a democracy, electoral rules protect citizens from executive abuse. But in Kagame’s brutal dictatorship, they are rewritten to ensure that no one can challenge his power.
HRF condemns Rwanda’s new elections law which hands dictator Paul Kagame sweeping control over the composition of electoral colleges for local government elections. It is the latest legal manipulation to tighten Kagame’s control over local government.
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Hello! I wanted to share something close to my heart. We’re raising funds to support Rwandan political prisoners and their families during a crucial week of reflection. Every dollar helps us visit these prisoners and provide much-needed support. If you can, please consider donating or sharing this campaign. Thank you for your kindness! gofund.me/ac7ef9591
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
Ntimuzacikwe kumunsi wejo taliki 13/06/2026 n’ikiganiro #Twitegure_Impinduramatwara . Tuzaganira n’abanyarwanda batuye mugihugu cy’UBUDAGE( #Germany ) aho bazatubwira kuri gahunda zitandukanye bafite murwego rwo kurwanya akarengane mu #Rwanda . Bazaboneraho no kudusobanurira ibijyanye n’imyigaragambyo bateganya gukora taliki 03.07.2026 mumugi wa #Berlin . Muzaze muri benshi. Ikiganiro ni Sambiri z’umugoroba (20:00) ku isaha yo mu #Rwanda.
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
Umutekano ni uburenganzira bw’ibanze. Niba mubibona nkatwe, muze dutabare Abanyarwanda. Dushyirre hamwe twubake ubuyobozi bubereye abaturage. Kurebera ni ubufatanyacyaha.@231_rwanda @oswaki @ItemeRadio
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
Birangiye nta n’umwe ubonye ubutabera! Ni gute inzego z’umutekano zivana umuntu i Kigali, zikamugeza ahiciwe umwana w’umukobwa, zikahamwicira, aho kumuta muri yombi ngo ashyikirizwe ubutabera? Hakenewe iperereza ryigenga. Hashobora kuba hari uwakingiwe ikibaba.
Twihanganishije umuryango wa Henriette M. Kandi Imana imuhe iruhuko ridashira. Umutekano w’abanyarwanda uragemiwe. Umusaza bamwiciye umukobwa urangije kwiga imyuga. Abanyarwanda bakeneye ubuyobozi busigasira umutekano wabo. @hrw @rpfinkotanyi
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I COMBINED THESE VIDEOS AND IT MAKES ME WONDER, WHY DOES KAGAME HATE RWANDANS? The boy you see is the last-born child of Apostle #MignoneKabera. She is a close friend of @FirstLadyRwanda and the founder of Noble Family Church and Women Foundation Ministries. Even though many churches were closed down in Rwanda, no one touched hers. Her son was studying in America but later returned to Rwanda. He has everything: a nice car, eats well, and no one asks him for house rent. Yet, he says,👉 "Even though there is no happiness or joy in Rwanda, the moment I entered the church, I felt it was there, and I found peace." @PaulKagame knows very well that he has denied us freedom of expression. People go to church for it to act as a form of therapy so they can find peace, but he does not want that either. If a child from a family that is so close to the First Family confirms that there is no peace and happiness in Rwanda, you can only wonder how ordinary Rwandans are surviving. #MillenZMovementRw✊
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Quand la vĂ©ritĂ© est dite avec sagesse et sincĂ©ritĂ©, elle ne vieillit jamais. Le message de cet homme continue de parler Ă  nos cƓurs et reste plus que jamais d’actualitĂ©. @MathildePanot @JLMelenchon @EmmanuelMacron @J_Bardella @MLP_officiel @francediplo @Elysee @JF_LE_DRIAN @ambafrancerwa x.com/TEAMINKINGI/status/206


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Waramutse #Rwanda ! Harya byabigega n’imishinga tubwirwa byo gufasha abarokotse Jenoside bikora iki niba bitabasha no gufasha umuntu nkuyu? Harya iterambere tubwirwa burimunsi ridahindura ubuzima bw’umunyarwanda ni irihe? Harya bamwe bavuga Jenoside burikanya badashobora gufasha abayirokotse, izompuhwe ni bwokoki? Niba ibi biri muri @Gasabo_District muri #Kigali , harya ubwo mubyaro byifashe gute? Igihe kirageze ko twemerako dufite byinshi byo gukora nka Banyarwanda dufatanije aho kubeshyana ko @PaulKagame u #Rwanda yarugize paradizo. Reka nshimire mbikuye kumutima abantu bose bagira umutima wo gufasha abatishoboye 🙏🏿🙏🏿
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
Entendre cette communicante, complice de fait du plus grand criminel de masse contemporain, reprocher Ă  Human Rights Watch de rĂ©pĂ©ter « le mĂȘme pattern depuis 30 ans » ne peut que faire rire. Car pendant ces mĂȘmes 30 ans, le FPR/RPF n’a fait que rĂ©pĂ©ter son propre pattern : interdire tout accĂšs libre et indĂ©pendant au territoire rwandais, bloquer la mĂ©decine mĂ©dico-lĂ©gale sur les charniers et les fosses communes, et Ă©liminer physiquement ceux qui ont le malheur de trop s’approcher de la vĂ©ritĂ©. Exiger des « preuves matĂ©rielles » tout en verrouillant hermĂ©tiquement les zones oĂč elles se trouvent relĂšve du pur cynisme. C’est exactement la mĂȘme stratĂ©gie que l’on observe aujourd’hui avec le M23 : on contrĂŽle le terrain, on refuse toute enquĂȘte indĂ©pendante, et on crie ensuite Ă  l’absence de preuves. Pour faire taire ceux qui tombaient sur les charniers, le FPR n’a pas hĂ©sitĂ© Ă  tuer. On peut citer le cas tragique de Flors Sirera, cette infirmiĂšre espagnole de MĂ©decins du Monde assassinĂ©e en 1997 au Rwanda avec d’autres collĂšgues, ou encore les missionnaires espagnols Ă©liminĂ©s entre 1994 et 2000. Le message Ă©tait clair : qui creuse trop finit par disparaĂźtre. La critique rwandaise du rapport de Human Rights Watch est donc infondĂ©e et rĂ©vĂšle surtout l’impossibilitĂ© d’une enquĂȘte libre. Obtenir des preuves matĂ©rielles directes (fosses communes ouvertes, charniers, armes du crime, documents internes) exigerait un accĂšs libre, indĂ©pendant et non surveillĂ© aux zones contrĂŽlĂ©es par le M23. Or, ce groupe, soutenu et dirigĂ© de fait par l’armĂ©e rwandaise, n’a jamais autorisĂ© – et n’autorisera jamais – une telle investigation. Les zones qu’il occupe contiennent prĂ©cisĂ©ment les traces des exactions les plus graves. Exiger une preuve physique tout en bloquant l’accĂšs au terrain est un sophisme classique : on empĂȘche la collecte de la preuve, puis on reproche son absence. Heureusement, le droit pĂ©nal international et la pratique des tribunaux ne fonctionnent pas ainsi. De trĂšs nombreux procĂšs pour crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanitĂ© ou gĂ©nocide ont abouti Ă  des condamnations sur la base de commencements de preuve, de tĂ©moignages concordants et d’un faisceau d’indices graves, prĂ©cis et concordants. Ce n’est pas une spĂ©cificitĂ© de Human Rights Watch : c’est la norme au TPIY, au TPIR, Ă  la CPI et dans la plupart des juridictions nationales qui jugent les crimes de masse. Dans le cas prĂ©sent, les Ă©lĂ©ments accumulĂ©s par HRW sont particuliĂšrement robustes : ‱Des centaines de tĂ©moignages de victimes, d’anciens dĂ©tenus, de tĂ©moins oculaires, recueillis de maniĂšre indĂ©pendante. Ces rĂ©cits se recoupent avec une cohĂ©rence remarquable sur les lieux, les dates, les modes opĂ©ratoires (exĂ©cutions sommaires, viols, recrutements forcĂ©s, tortures, camps de dĂ©tention Ă  Rumangabo et Tshanzu, etc.). Un seul tĂ©moignage peut ĂȘtre contestĂ© ; des dizaines qui convergent forment une preuve puissante. ‱Ces tĂ©moignages sont corroborĂ©s par des images satellites qui montrent les camps, les mouvements de population, les perturbations du sol compatibles avec des charniers, les infrastructures de dĂ©tention. On est donc face Ă  un faisceau d’indices concordants d’une force exceptionnelle. En matiĂšre factuelle, il n’existe presque jamais de « vĂ©ritĂ© formelle binaire ». Il existe des degrĂ©s de certitude. Ici, le degrĂ© de vĂ©ritĂ© atteint par Human Rights Watch est extrĂȘmement Ă©levĂ© et suffisant pour qualifier les faits de crimes de guerre et de possibles crimes contre l’humanitĂ©, et pour exiger des investigations judiciaires indĂ©pendantes. Ce comportement du M23/RDF n’est d’ailleurs pas une surprise : il s’inscrit dans la continuitĂ© historique de la pratique de l’ArmĂ©e patriotique rwandaise (APR) pendant les deux guerres du Congo et des opĂ©rations internes au Rwanda post-1994. Massacres ciblĂ©s, recrutements forcĂ©s, contrĂŽle territorial par la terreur, refus de toute transparence : le schĂ©ma est malheureusement rĂ©current.
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Rugaba Patrick retweeted
Kagame Is a General Without Generals @Rwanda Ironman General Paul #Kagame turned the ambassadorship into a dumping ground for his military generals and colonels. The number of generals and colonels exiled as ambassadors has just increased to nine as of June 2026.
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South Africa came to the World Cup exhausted.They’ve been chasing foreigners all season. 😂🙈 Sorry bafethu đŸ™đŸœ #WorldCup #FIFAWorldCup #WorldCup2026 #Football #Soccer #FootballFans #BafanaBafana #SouthAfricanFootball #SAFootball
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Akakantu nukukabika neza wasanga harabo kazagirira umumaro mumyaka nka 20 irimbere. Uzarama azabona byinshi!
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