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3 things that shouldn't be done by one person. Be a lawyer, a politician and a pastor all in one person..... All these 3 doesn't go hand in hand with the principles that guide them, so you can't mix them in one person and expect that person to perform optimally.

I don’t hate Nelson Chamisa. I simply don’t support the idea of a political party without a constitution or a leadership structure where decisions are made by one man and his advisors, instead of collective decision making by known individuals who can be held accountable. You are free to support such an arrangement, but don’t force me to support it by guilty tripping me with words like “…you hate Chamisa.” I can’t share my private conversations with Chamisa regarding this issue because they are private. But what I can tell you is that I made it absolutely clear to him that I support the struggle against ZANUPF tyrannical and corrupt rule, and that I support the democracy struggle, but I won’t support not having a constitution. I WON’T support and defend refusal to have a constitution which has led to the terrible chaos we are seeing today with opportunistic elements like Tshabangu recalling legitimately elected MPs. If you can’t see that today’s chaos comes from the refusal to have a constitution and a leadership structure, then I can’t help you. I know that you will say “but Douglas took the party with a constitution.” Yes he did because the constitution had been violated in 2015 with the illegal appointment of 2 Vice Presidents. When that happened, again the supporters backed Morgan Tsvangirai even though senior lawyers said it was illegal. It led to the Mwonzora debacle years later! I am prepared to stand alone on this issue, I will live with that reality! I would rather stand alone knowing that my heart is pure, and that I am supporting the right thing than going with the multitudes supporting things that will backfire and have no moral or legal standing. Chamisa is hugely popular, but my values and ideas are not shaped by someone’s popularity, but by what is right and wrong and by things that can stand the scrutiny of time. To me it is wrong for a political party not to have a known constitution and a known leadership structure. I made this clear to Chamisa both privately and publicly, that is why I am able to say it to you too here. I don’t see or understand why any sane person would oppose that and support a dictatorship which is accountable to nobody. Our hatred for ZANUPF should not lead us into doing the very things that we accuse ZANUPF of, and the very things that created the Mugabe and Mnangagwa dictatorships. The mentality that I hate Chamisa leads to creating a dictatorship where we are supposed to support anything because it has been done by someone popular. History is awash of such political tragedies that were created that way. Robert Mugabe is probably the most popular leader we ever had if you go by the numbers at Zimbabwe Grounds in 1980, but where did this lead us to? If I hated Chamisa or CCC, I wouldn’t have fundraised thousands of dollars for their March 26 election campaign or for the burial of their comrade in Kwekwe. I can’t change your views if you don’t want to engage with my reasoning, but as I said above, I am happy standing alone knowing that I am standing for what is right than going with a crowd supporting things that will backfire. I have spoken out against corruption and exposed it, and I have supported the struggle and was even jailed THREE times for my resoluteness. My professional equipment was taken away, I couldn’t travel for three years because of my support for what is right. I don’t have to be involved in these fights because I have a decent life, but I continue to fight because we should have a fair society. But if you think that I am now an impediment, I am happy to keep quiet and start tweeting about goats and my new work next year. I will end by saying Mnangagwa’s supporters also think that I hate him, so you are in good company!

We need to support this man called Claude Kaharo.

Former Mudzi ZANUPF MP and recently-installed Chief Mukota, Newton Kachepa, died this morning at Marondera Hospital from injuries sustained in a car accident in Murewa. When I talk about bad roads, lack of ambulances and dilapidated hospitals, ZANUPF accuses me of driving an anti-ZANUPF political agenda. The looting of public funds and plunder of the country’s natural resources by ZANUPF elites has dire and fatal consequences, and these consequences will locate you regardless of your political party affiliation! The consequences are there for all including in ZANUPF to see, they continue to manifest!

Machiavellian politics ended with Robert Mugabe in 2014 , when he dropped one ball , Joice Mujuru , not one infact but many during the Gamatox debacle . It signalled the beginning of his end . Morgan Tsvangirai himself was also a Machiavellian practitioner who built a very broad church of opposites, from students , intellectuals , labour etc , at some stage he too started dropping balls maybe a judgemental issue from recurring illness just as there were errors of judgement arising out of old age from Mugabe and both leaders at various stages surrounding themselves with sycophantic court jesters . When Mugabe dropped the second ball in 2017 in Mnangagwa , hell broke loose . Successor arrangements to both leaders seem not to have learnt anything from this, pursuing politics of exclusion and conquest from the onset of their reigns , they have not kept any of the critical balls in the air but started off with balls on the floor . Now it is clear the stability of our politics comes from a philosophy of inclusion and power sharing , our traditional " Dare " concept being instructive ; so for as long as some critical minds are out of the picture the plotting doesn't stop , it continues unabated . It is not a coincidence that this Nation experienced bouts of stability and progress during periods of inclusive politics , after the Unity Agreement of 1987 & after the Global Political Agreement of 2008 , in between and after has been painful periods of conquest politics continuing even now . So both spectrums of our politics are some kind of like opposites with both refusing to learn from historical precedents . Bubblegum politics is not gonna fly for both @ZANUPF_Official and @CCCZimbabwe as our current Binary gladiators and as i type the script is playing itself out with both on trial for belittling former comrades and playing total annihilation politics. There is a demographic age band that both Zanu( PF ) and CCC are seeking to prematurely retire from politics , a group vested with experience , knowledge and political cunningness which clearly wont go without a fight. A simple lesson i learnt from our own experience with November 2017 in hindsight is the analogy of basic traffic rules underpinned by the " Give Way " principle . Without Robots this is a tried and tested method which brings order to the traffic jungle. Did i learn something from Political fallouts , yes ; but those who benefited from the basic submission to this rule , have they learnt something as they face inevitable EXIT , it seems like a Big No ! On the part of Zanu PF they have now invented their own " G40" to do exactly what they fought in us . So another round of acrimony is in the horizon. Lets learn from history and rebuild , politics of conquest is not gonna work for Zimbabwe both at partisan and national level Nyika Ndeyedu Tese Iyi Ndapedza

1. The High Court of Zimbabwe has ruled against the Recalled CCC Members of Parliament. It was always going to be tough, but DON’T leave the door open for your enemies! It was known and it was always said so many times that running a political party without a constitution or a structured leadership was going to expose the genuine CCC to what has tragically happened today, it was repeatedly said. ZANUPF was always going to facilitate for any disgruntled CCC member to do what happened today, ZANUPF controls parliament. When this was raised many times before and after the elections, those who raised this point were insulted and told to either form their own parties where they could have party constitutions, or they were told that there is a plan. It is therefore pointless to belabour the political and legal points that were already mentioned in the past warning Nelson Chamisa and CCC of the dangerous that lay ahead because of their chosen path which they called Strategic Ambiguity. The first thing to say is that Nelson Chamisa was terribly advised, how could his legitimate Recalled MPs go to court and yet CCC the party that they they belong to is not in court to support their assertions? That is a question for Nelson Chamisa and CCC to answer. At this point we must accept that there is a problem in Zimbabwe where both the opposition and ruling parties don’t want to be told what they should hear, they want political analysts and journalists to say what they want to hear. There is no shortage of so called political analysts and journalists who are happy to push dishonest partisan “analysis” misleading the reading public and party supporters. There is also no shortage of those who want that propaganda. Zimbabwe is a dictatorship, any political party other than ZANUPF that wants to survive must not open itself up to state institution abuse by ZANUPF and then say, “…but the law says this.” Let ZANUPF abuse state institutions in ridiculous ways, but don’t give it plausible reasons for doing so. A dispute in CCC has been ruthlessly exploited by ZANUPF. Genuine analysts and journalists know that Tshabangu has handlers in CCC, and that ZANUPF has taken advantage of the fallout. What now from here? Chamisa has a duty to defend the space in by-elections, he messed up, he must correct and clean up his mess. My immediate thought is that all the Recalled MPs must contest as INDEPENDENTS, and Chamisa must campaign for them, we will support them because it is democracy that is on trial not Nelson Chamisa. As one of the world’s leading political scientists Steven Levisky has always said, CONTEST ALL ELECTIONS no matter how unfair the terrain is unless if you have a plan. ZANUPF should never be allowed to get any of those parliamentary seats, it would be a political tragedy. We all know the fatal mistakes that Chamisa and his advisors made, but let us look beyond them and defend these seats first, then resolve the rest later. It is lazy thinking blaming ZANUPF for everything, even for things that you could have avoided. Chamisa said that he had a plan, any sane person operating on rational reasoning should accept without BUTs and IFs that the said plan FAILED. CCC is now gone, Chamisa has to build a new home with a constitution and leadership structures. Please note that top leadership structures are different from grassroots structures. A party’s leaders must be known otherwise another Tshabangu will come and claim to be the Secretary General. Tshabangu exploited the loopholes and got away with it. A lot of people around Chamisa accept that reality and the mistakes made, they just don’t have the courage that some of us have of saying it publicly. There is a reason why some people succeed and some don’t, it is the ability to acknowledge the truth and learn from your mistakes. Ordinarily ALL CCC MPs should resign, that way they can build a new party with genuine cadres and constitution. But will they have the courage to resign?

Robert Mugabe versus Solomon Mujuru (Part 2) Book Excerpt from: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream, Volume III (Ideas & Solutions) By Professor Arthur G.O. Mutambara Mugabe feels, rightly so, that Simba’s Mavambo project took away votes from him through the bhora musango (sabotage the play) phenomenon – where ZANU-PF supporters voted for their party’s candidate for Parliament but voted for Simba Makoni for the presidency. Furthermore, it is Mugabe’s considered view that Simba is just a pawn. The prime mover is Solomon Mujuru – a man who had been his bosom partner in constructing a Zezuru hegemony in Zimbabwe for over 26 years. A man who was his conniving comrade in the treacherous and divisive ZANU politics in Mozambique. Mugabe’s sense of betrayal is total. That is the short background and history of Mugabe’s growing disdain towards Mujuru. Of course, nothing happens to Solomon Mujuru from March 2008 until his death in a mysterious fire on 15 August 2011. Had Mugabe forgiven him? This is hard to believe. Was Mugabe waiting for a strategic opportunity – a Machiavellian moment – to strike during the stability of the GNU? This is an open question. However, an affirmative response seems to make sense. Another curious aspect of Robert Mugabe’s decidedly negative attitude and unbridled antipathy towards Solomon Mujuru is that long after he is dead, at rallies and public platforms, he continues to lambast the General – a distinguished freedom fighter whom he has accorded National Hero status. Why? It is clear from some of the public utterances that he has never gotten over Mujuru’s attempts to elbow him out. He has not forgiven the dead man. Eliminating him was not enough. For example, at a rally in 2015 (four years after Mujuru’s death), Mugabe says: “Mujuru was a nasty and useless fellow – a very unpleasant man, indeed. He was now saying: ‘Our problems in the party are being caused by one man – Robert Mugabe. He must go!’ How could he say that? How can I – just one man – create all the challenges? For sure, Solomon Mujuru was now an undesirable character – an impediment in our party.“ Clearly, Mugabe never forgives Mujuru for the simmering treachery and disloyalty which started in earnest in 2006 at the Goromonzi Conference. Although Solomon Mujuru retains his position in the ZANU-PF Politburo and Joice Mujuru is Vice President in the GNU, Mujuru is a marked man. Joice is a lame-duck Vice President – an inconvenient irritant. Mugabe and Mujuru had become mortal enemies. It is game on. From 2006 to 2011, Mugabe, being the sophisticated Machiavellian politician that he is, is hiding his feelings and waiting for the opportune moment to strike. Mugabe rewards Emmerson Mnangagwa with the Ministry of Defence in the GNU for his participation and orchestration of the brutal and fraudulent runoff presidential election of 27 June 2008. The ‘political general’ Constantino Chiwenga, another architect of the 2008 genocidal campaign, is retained as Commander of Defence Forces. In the GNU, Mnangagwa and Chiwenga are the leading pillars of support for Mugabe’s presidency. As Miles Tendi puts it: “They work in sync towards the progressive development of a state within the state, a deep state, as a means of protecting Mugabe’s presidency and ZANU-PF rule from the political threat posed by the MDC in the power-sharing government.” General Solomon Mujuru dies in a fire in the early evening of 15 August 2011, at his Alamein Farm, in clearly suspicious circumstances. A maid and guard at the farm later testify that they heard gunshots two hours before flames were seen at his farmhouse. Mujuru had left groceries and his cellphone in his car, something he had never done before. The General had taken 40 minutes to drive from the hotel to his farm, a journey of 10 minutes. The lone policeman on guard at the farm is asleep at the time, and after he wakes, his cellphone has no airtime, and the communication radio is broken. When the Harare City fire truck arrives, it has no water. All this does not add up. Something is amiss. What a festival of absurdities! The night of Mujuru’s death (15 August 2011) is when Wilfred Mhanda launches his autobiography – Dzino: Memories of a Freedom Fighter – by Weaver Press. Given my affinity for history and respect for the liberation struggle fighters, I could not miss the book launch for anything. However, we are also scheduled to travel to Angola for one of those SADC discussions involving the GNU and its GPA starting on Tuesday, 16 August 2011. Usually, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and I travel on commercial airlines to these meetings, while President Robert Mugabe uses a dedicated Air Zimbabwe plane. This means Tsvangirai and I have to go that Monday evening. I decide not to do that. I want to attend Wilfred Mhanda’s book launch fully and not be rushing to some airport. Hence, I ask Mugabe for a ride on his special plane. He graciously agrees, amusingly saying: “There is always space in my mother’s house.” The book launch goes well. Veteran freedom fighter and ZIPRA Intelligence Supremo – Dumiso Dabengwa – is the Guest of Honour. As it turns out, Tsvangirai does show up briefly for the event but must rush off to catch a flight to Angola. I do not sleep that evening. I finish reading the entire Dzino autobiography overnight. I am quite a fast reader. What a fascinating read! As fate would have it, that is the night Solomon Mujuru dies. Early morning of the next day, Tuesday, 16 August 2011, without any information of what has transpired, I rush to Munhumutapa building. I intend to attend Cabinet and then proceed to Angola with President Mugabe. Then suddenly, reports start filtering through our security aides with an unsettling message: “There was a fire last night at Mujuru’s farm, and he has died.” What? Nothing is authoritative. The upsetting and disturbing news is just being passed around. As the time to attend Cabinet – 9:00 am – approaches, fellow Cabinet Ministers confirm the sad news. I am shattered. During this GNU, I have grown fond of General Solomon Mujuru. We spend a lot of time together. In fact, during most national public events, I sit next to him, or he sits next to my wife, Jackie. So many anecdotes from the cunning and humorous man: How he made Mugabe; His interactions with Samora Machel and Julius Nyerere; Liberation war escapades; Jokes about me marrying above my class (“M-m-ukadzi akanakaso, uye aine hunhu kwahwo, wakamuona kupi? Ha-a-si muleague yako! [How did you convince such a beautiful and well-groomed woman to marry you? You don’t deserve her!]); Snide remarks about my shoe types (Bhu-utsu dzawakapfeka idzo ndedzepwere [You must put on classy shoes, not that!]). That was General Solomon Mujuru. Always hospitable and exhibiting a fascinating sense of humour. Now he is gone. The Cabinet meeting is tense, as Ministers express condolences to each other as is the African custom. Everyone is engulfed with trepidation, sorrow and uncertainty. Except Robert Mugabe. He is relaxed and cracking jokes with petrified Cabinet Ministers. As the meeting starts, Minister of Mines Obert Mpofu raises his hand and says: “Your Excellency, given what has happened, I propose that we cancel Cabinet to allow colleagues to go to Solomon Mujuru’s farm. Most of us have not had a chance to do so.” Mugabe is derisively and scornfully dismissive: “What? Why cancel Cabinet? What is wrong with you? The business of the state continues. We will proceed as usual.” What a startling response! Of course, Obed Mpofu neatly and firmly tucks his tail between his legs, as all these ZANU-PF sycophants do whenever Mugabe raises his voice authoritatively on any issue. As the Cabinet progresses, every time a Minister raises a hand to speak, they invariably start by saying: “Your Excellency, I want to start by expressing my condolences on the passing of General Solomon Mujuru ...” However, the excellent one – the Chairperson of Cabinet, President Robert Mugabe – shows no interest in those remarks. He shows no remorse but sheer contempt for the distressed Ministers. In fact, he continues with his relaxed demeanour and joking spree as if nothing dramatic has happened in the country. Mujuru’s death is a non-event to Mugabe. We are shocked. When Cabinet is over, since I am travelling to Angola with Mugabe, my two official vehicles join his motorcade towards Harare International Airport. Before we get to the airport, the convoy makes a detour to One Commando Barracks, where they have brought Solomon Mujuru’s body. We are taken to a room where we console a bereaving Vice President Joice Mujuru – Solomon’s widow – her children and close relatives. Other key ZANU-PF and military leaders are there: Sydney Sekeramayi (Minister of State Security), Tendai Savanhu (Mbare MP and top ZANU-PF Politburo member), Perrance Shiri (Air Force Commander), Paradzai Zimondi (Prisons Commissioner General) and Constantino Chiwenga (ZDF Commander). Emmerson Mnangagwa – Minister of Defence – is conveniently away in Luanda when Mujuru is killed. Then suddenly, we are all summoned by Minister Sekeramayi and General Constantino Chiwenga to come and view the body. Among all these people, I am the only one from outside ZANU-PF circles. My joining Mugabe’s plane to Angola has led to this unusual circumstance. Chiwenga is looking jittery and uncomposed. He is fidgeting all over the place. Does he know something that we do not know about the cause of Mujuru’s death? I wonder. My mind races with trepidation as we approach the room with Solomon Mujuru’s body. We enter the dreadful room. There it is – the corpse is lying on a table and is covered by a plain white cloth. Sekeramayi opens the fabric, and what do we see? A burnt-out skeleton with no flesh! We are all in shock. What is this? Mugabe quickly says: “Vharai, vharai! (Cover up the corpse, cover it up!)” He leads us out of that dreadful room. Mugabe looks unsettled and irritated, but not remorseful or shocked. After that scene, the body is never shown to anyone until it is buried. As it turns out, I am the only one outside ZANU-PF circles who sees these unsightly remains of General Solomon Mujuru. What is clearly inexplicable is how a victim of an ordinary fire could end up as a skeleton. The human body is at least 60 per cent water. When someone dies in a fire, the body’s swollen, water-filled flesh would be there. The state of Mujuru’s remains is only possible if the body had been in a raging fire for over six hours or was burnt with an accelerant (an industrial chemical used to intensify and spread fire). The latter is more plausible. There is talk of a blue flame that was found emanating from the charring body. All these observations put paid to the allegation of an ordinary fire accident caused by a candle! Indeed, an accelerant has been used. Something stinks to high heaven. There is another interesting fine point. Just before Solomon’s death, Joice Mujuru was meant to travel out of the country. For an unexplained rationale, Mugabe stops her from leaving the country. At the One Commando gathering where we view the body, he nonchalantly and casually remarks about how it was going to look for her husband to die like this in her absence. It is as if Mugabe knew that Mujuru was going to die. It is puzzling. Something is not adding up. Furthermore, while Joice Mujuru is still in shock of the gruesome and untimely death of her husband, Mugabe asks her to act as the President of the country while he and I proceed to Angola for the SADC Summit. Is he just being insensitive, or is it a crass statement to absolve himself from Solomon’s death? “If I can leave you as Acting President of the country, surely I have nothing to do with the death of your husband. Do not make unnecessary noises about Solomon’s demise. Your political future is secured. You can be the next President of Zimbabwe.” Is that Mugabe’s Machiavellian message to a naive, unsophisticated and gullible Joice Mujuru? Food for thought. Of course, with the death of Solomon Mujuru, Joice’s career in ZANU-PF is finished. She just does not know it yet. She is too naive to understand the implications of what has just happened. Poor woman. This is August 2011, and she will only come to terms with her obvious and inevitable fate in December 2014 – a good three years later! Sad. Mugabe and I proceed to Harare International Airport and board his special plane to Angola. I am sitting next to him all the way to Luanda. We had great discussions for the entire four-hour flight. I am still shaken about Mujuru’s fate. Not him. He is relaxed and chatty. I try to probe him about what could have happened. He is unequivocal: “Ah, it was just an accident, a candle maybe. Solomon drank too much. People make mistakes and perish. That is life. We must move on. This is not the first time Mujuru has accidentally caused a fire. He almost burnt down our hotel at the Geneva Conference in 1976 through a carelessly disposed cigarette. Mujuru was a reckless chap. Life goes on.” I am startled by the casual way he is dealing with this tragedy. Later, in Luanda, again I try to bring up the subject of Mujuru’s death. I inquisitively probe Mugabe: “What is the latest information on General Mujuru’s demise? Is there going to be a thorough investigation?” Again, Mugabe is unfazed: “There is nothing there. It was a fire accident – maybe a candle carelessly left unattended. We cannot keep those bones for long. We have to bury him very quickly. There is no need for any elaborate enquiry. What for?” It is said that Joice Mujuru had a sense that her husband had been murdered. If indeed Solomon Mujuru was taken out, the information about it would have filtered to her, given her seniority and history in the party, coupled with the extent of her husband’s influence in the security establishment and the securocratic state. Why did she play along with the murderers of her husband and not voice her concerns immediately when the death occurred in August 2011? She only makes ineffective noises alleging murder most foul after she is off-loaded from ZANU-PF and its government in December 2014. It is too little, too late. No one believes her now at this late stage. She should have spoken out in August 2011, albeit cautiously but assertively. She was naive and completely without common sense. She was hoping that despite everything, if she keeps quiet, she could still succeed Robert Mugabe. How could she believe that schemers and plotters would kill her husband and, after that, hand over the presidency of ZANU-PF and the country to her? How daft can she get? Of course, whoever assassinated Solomon Mujuru would not countenance a Joice Mujuru presidency. What if, during that presidency, she moves to punish the killers? Even if she would not act, what of her children? Why would they not take advantage of her presidency to seek justice for their father’s death? It is complete madness and thoughtlessness for her to acquiesce and cavort with a system that she knew eliminated her husband. Her misguided hope of succeeding Mugabe clouds her judgement. Once Solomon Mujuru is killed, that is the end of Joice Mujuru’s hitherto plausible presidential ambitions. It is obvious. The die is cast. It is an open-and-shut case. Furthermore, all along Joice Mujuru fails to realise that her prominence and assumed power are Solomon Mujuru’s. There are not hers. She is just a place filler. An agent and not a principal. Mugabe does not have any semblance of intrinsic respect for her as a political gladiator, a leader or a government functionary. He views her as a political novice who is both intellectually inept and technically incompetent. Mugabe expresses to me, on several occasions, his blistering disdain and contempt for Joice. “She is just an unimaginative simpleton. There is nothing there.” He often retorted. Mugabe is simply using her to placate his long-term partner – Solomon Mujuru – and once he is eliminated, she ceases to be relevant. She has to be discarded. So, who killed Solomon Mujuru? It is not inconceivable that Robert Mugabe and the 2017 coup d’état folks (plotters and beneficiaries) were together on this one. Different motives but the same target. This is an excerpt from the book: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream, Volume III (Ideas & Solutions) By Professor Arthur G.O. Mutambara

Dear Honorable Minister @TateMavetera I applaud your dedication to addressing #cybersecurity concerns at the national level. Your commitment to safeguarding our digital landscape is indeed commendable. However, I would like to share a suggestion for consideration. It appears that your audience often consists of senior citizens, who may not be well-versed in the complexities of cybersecurity. To ensure that your efforts reach a wider and more diverse audience, I encourage you to consider involving #younger individuals, particularly the #youth. The world of cybersecurity is dynamic, and it is crucial to engage the next generation who are digital natives and can play a significant role in contributing to the nation's digital security. Their fresh perspectives, technological proficiency, and innovative ideas can be invaluable assets in the ongoing battle against cyber #threats. Furthermore, it's worth noting that the cybersecurity industry has traditionally been dominated by men. Encouraging and promoting the participation of women in this field is equally important. By fostering a more gender-inclusive environment, we can harness the talents and skills of all individuals, regardless of gender, to fortify our nation's cybersecurity defenses. In conclusion, while your efforts are laudable, I believe that expanding the reach of your initiatives to include a more diverse audience, with a particular focus on youth and women, can be a significant step towards enhancing the effectiveness of your #cybersecurity programs. Thank you for your dedication to this crucial cause, and I look forward to witnessing the positive changes that can be brought about through your continued leadership in the ICT sector. Sincerely, Big Brother

My view @kaysmoyera is that the Zimbabwean election was shambolic and didn’t meet the basic standard of a Free and Fair election. That said, there are THREE options that the Zimbabwean opposition would have wanted considered immediately after the shambolic election. 1. Dismiss the whole election and have it done again immediately under the guidance of a credible board. 2. Have dialogue and come up with a coalition government for the sake of the country. 3. Have a transitional government that implements reforms leading to another election after an agreed period of time between 2 to 5 years. These three options would have been considered immediately by SADC if the opposition had immediately created a political crisis after the shambolic election, a crisis that would have made SADC demand an immediate resolution to the political crisis triggered by the shambolic election. SADC wrote a scathing preliminary election report followed by the final report that recommended the use and full exhaustion of all available internal remedies. Now what internal remedies are available to the opposition? Malaba and his judges, is that a viable option for the opposition? That is not a viable option because the opposition correctly noted the partisan political capture of the Zimbabwean judiciary, and the opposition didn’t have all the election material to mount a solid case against a stolen election, but it had plenty material to declare the election shambolic. In other words, there is no evidence against stolen votes, but there is plenty evidence against ZEC’s shambolic process. But we all know that Malaba and his judges would repeat the same questions from 2018, show me evidence of V11s confirming stolen votes, there was none! You will remember that before the election, I cautioned the opposition against going into an election without UNITY within its leadership ranks, you will remember that I was insulted and told that the opposition is United. You now know that the opposition was not United, it was one man and his chosen team, and the rest who felt marginalised, that needs to be cured if the region is to take the opposition seriously. I say so not as an opinion but as a fact based on my conversations with regional leaders. But this truth elicits insults because Zimbabweans are selfish by nature, our political elites love the culture of one winner takes all instead of mounting a UNITED front. It happened in 1980 with Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo, and it continues to happen today. Imagine a United front of Nelson Chamisa, Tendai Biti, Welshman Ncube, Ibbo Mandaza, Reverend Kenneth Mtata, Saviour Kasukuwere, civil society leaders and people like Brian Kagoro, Prof Arthur Mutambara all descending on Luanda on Saturday to tell SADC to act NOW! But that unity is not there today because we have failed to unite and accommodate a variance of opinion within a grouping that all wants change. So the Saturday SADC summit is an exercise between a wounded but determined President Mnangagwa, and a SADC that doesn’t feel that it has enough to charge against the shambolic election, but wants to tick the boxes that it discussed the Zimbabwean election. Who will represent Nelson Chamisa and CCC, and how do they match against the SADC luminaries that will be there. Politics is about strategy and not emotions my brother, emotions bring nothing unless they are invested in the streets, at the moment there is no sign of that because of fear, cowardice and lack of UNITY. The streets are legal according to our constitution, but until the opposition realise that a crisis is the only option to force SADC’s hand, we will wait and have another shambolic election in 2028 with a disunited opposition. If the opposition changes its tactics and unites, you won’t have to wait for 2028 for the Zimbabwean political resolution. But only then @kaysmoyera. There is no change that has come in Africa without people who disagree uniting to focus on the bigger picture!

African politics hahaha we are busy defending those are stealing our future, our education and life

Congratulations to the Springboks for winning another great finale Rugby World Cup 2023 halala halala South Africa 🎉

Robert Mugabe versus Solomon Mujuru (Part 1) Book Excerpt from: In Search of the Elusive Zimbabwean Dream, Volume III (Ideas & Solutions) By Professor Arthur G.O. Mutambara The ZANU Central Committee meetings in Mozambique under the chairpersonship of Robert Mugabe are full of theatre and drama. Of particular significance, according to Mugabe, is the acrimonious relationship between Secretary of Defence, Josiah Tongogara, and Rugare Gumbo, the Secretary for Publicity and Information, which almost degenerates into fistfights during sessions. Rugare Gumbo is critical of Tongogara's brutal methods, and his wielding more power (through the Defence Department) than the Central Committee. However, Gumbo's most unkind and harshest criticism of Tongogara, which is shared by a few of Gumbo’s colleagues, is that Tongogara is uneducated - an unsophisticated brute. According to Mugabe, this last charge hugely affects and upsets Tongogara: “At some point, he came to me and said: ‘Can I take some time off from the struggle and go to school? I am tired of these insults.’ I said: ‘No, no. Maybe after the war, when we attain independence, you can go and complete your education.”’ Although Solomon Mujuru, as Chief of Operations, is second in command to Josiah Tongogara, ZANLA Chief of Defence and ZANU Secretary of Defence, they both sit in the enlarged Central Committee. It is an innovation introduced by Mugabe to improve party cohesion and balance the influence of portfolio secretaries (specifically Tongo) by incorporating their deputies. Tongogara, the meticulous, tactical and strategic commander, is sometimes brazen and disrespectful in his interactions with the civilian nationalists, including Mugabe, during the Central Committee meetings. On one occasion, as Mugabe narrates to me, Tongo goes over the top with his disdain of the civilian political leadership. Solomon Mujuru steps in: “E-e-h, Tongo, you must respect the political leadership. When you returned from detention in Zambia, I made way for you to take over the ZANLA army. It does not mean that I did not want to be the top soldier. I was in charge of ZIPA and could have resisted your return as ZANLA Chief of Defence. I did not do that. I showed you respect. You must do the same. Show respect to the party’s political leadership. If you want, you and I can have a fistfight right now. T-t- ipedzerane [So that we settle it once and for all].” Fascinating events. The drama of it all! Of course, Tongogara does not take up the boxing challenge. He moderates his approach and demeanour; thus, the discussions continue. Although Mujuru and Mugabe started as partners in constructing the Zezuru hegemony during and after the liberation struggle, the alliance starts to falter after Mujuru leaves the Zimbabwe National Army in 1992 and becomes a businessperson and a political operator in the main. Based on his belief that Robert Mugabe is his product, Solomon Mujuru's confidence is overbearing in the extreme. In heated discussions in the ZANU-PF Politburo meetings, he flexes his political muscles in no uncertain terms when he gets agitated. On one such occasion, he says: ‘Eh, takagara kudai, muZANU-PF ndini mukuru (Eh, as we deliberate in this meeting, in terms of the ZANU-PF hierarchy, I am the most senior).’ He says this in the presence of Robert Mugabe! Poor Robert takes it in his stride and does not challenge the assertion. As for the likes of Emmerson Mnangagwa, they cannot even dare to look in Mujuru’s direction lest he completely dresses them down as he often does. Emmerson fears total decimation and extreme humiliation from an angry Mujuru. In fact, Mnangagwa is such a miserably insecure wimp in the presence of Solomon, as he is always quick to point out Mnangagwa’s peripheral, undecorated and frivolous contributions to the liberation struggle. (Details of Mujuru’s scathing, ruthless and devastating put-downs of Mnangagwa are presented elsewhere in this book). Mujuru must die before any of the 2017 coup d'état shenanigans could even be contemplated or envisaged. All those adventures by Mnangagwa and Chiwenga could not take place during the life of Mujuru. Solomon Mujuru has to be killed first. Indeed, in November 2017, they carry out their nefarious activities – and seize state power – over his dead body. Despite overstating and overplaying his role in the history of ZANLA, ZANU and ZANU-PF, General Solomon Mujuru was not an original ZANU or ZANLA cadre. He was formerly of ZAPU and ZIPRA. In 1971, he joined ZANU and retrained under ZANLA. However, Mujuru was pivotal in the ascendancy of Mugabe to the helm of ZANU when he skipped the border into Mozambique with Edgar Tekere in 1975. Mujuru was Mugabe’s key enabler. Specifically, he was instrumental in marketing a relatively unknown Robert Mugabe to a suspicious Samora Machel and a sceptical Julius Nyerere. More significantly, Mujuru was the driving force in consolidating Mugabe’s grip on power in both ZANU and ZANLA by ruthlessly crushing ZIPA and the Gumbo/Hamadziripi group in 1977 and 1978, respectively. Indeed, Solomon Mujuru’s claim to be the Kingmaker is not without empirical evidence or basis. Mugabe himself is not active in nationalist politics until 1960, when he is recruited during a break from his teaching job in Ghana and joined NDP. He is not there when ZANU is formed at Nkala's house on 8 August 1963. In fact, he initially viciously opposes the idea of splitting from Nkomo and ZAPU. He says to me: “I was opposed to the idea of forming another party. My view was that we should work for changes within ZAPU and effect leadership changes at a congress. When Nkomo heard that I had joined the ZANU rebels, he said: ‘Ah! And Mugabe, too? I can't believe this. He is my loyal Publicity Secretary in ZAPU.’” This piece of history matters in the context of the incessant power struggles characterising ZANU politics during the liberation struggle. The ethnic dispositions of both Mugabe and Mujuru ignite their Zezuru hegemonic ascendancy in Zimbabwean politics and explain their rabid efforts to discredit the Manyikas and Karangas who dominated ZANU and ZANLA up to 1975. The two political gladiators were both lucky and ruthlessly Machiavellian. As the saying goes: ‘Fortune favours the bold.’ Clearly, this includes the unethically and ruthlessly bold! However, the two scheming Zezuru mandarins would eventually part ways and engage in a deadly duel: Mugabe vs. Mujuru - the Zezuru civil war Miles Tendi, in his biography of Mujuru, confirms that the differences between Mugabe and Mujuru on succession start in 1992, soon after he retires from the army: “‘Any other business?’ Mugabe asked ZANU-PF members during a Politburo meeting ... in 1992. Solomon Mujuru raised his arm, with bloodshot eyes firmly fixed on Mugabe, to make a statement in his customary stuttering voice: ‘I want to say you, the President and Vice President Joshua Nkomo, should also consider retiring. Give others a chance.’ Mugabe kept quiet. Nkomo took his stick, angry, jumped up and said, ‘Wena mfana, thula! [You, boy, shut up].’ Everybody started laughing, and then Rex said: ‘M-m-mandinzwa [You have heard me].’” Indeed, the Kingmaker had spoken. It is prudent to restate and emphasize that this is 1992. The unfolding differences between Solomon Mujuru and Robert Mugabe start to sharpen after the 2006 ZANU-PF Goromonzi Conference, where some party stalwarts fail to stop Mugabe from continuing as the party's presidential candidate. Presidential elections are due in 2008, while parliamentary elections are to occur in 2010. Mugabe’s strategy is to change the National Constitution and push the presidential election to 2010 in order to leverage the ZANU-PF parliamentarians in canvassing support for him as they campaign in their respective constituencies. He fears that if the presidential polls are staged separately in 2008, ZANU-PF parliamentarians would be unenthusiastic in mobilising for their progressively unpopular leader since their political careers would not be at stake. At the same Goromonzi Conference, there are also covert efforts and conversations championed by Mujuru to retire Mugabe in favour of a new leader before the next presidential elections. Although, at the meeting, Mugabe is not dethroned as leader of the party, ZANU-PF emphatically rejects Mugabe’s proposal to extend his presidency of the country to 2010. Mugabe knows Solomon was the architect of the setback. He is also aware of Mujuru’s fervent wish for his departure. Mugabe is apoplectic with fury. As a secondary plan – which salvages Mugabe's interests by mitigating his electoral fears – a decision is made to cut the parliamentary life by two years and thus organise harmonised presidential and parliamentary polls in 2008. About a month after the ZANU-PF Goromonzi Conference of 2006, the firebrand liberation icon – Edgar Tekere – launches his autobiography, A Lifetime of Struggle. In the book, in addition to articulating uncharitable views about Mugabe’s liberation struggle credentials, Tekere projects Vice President Joice Mujuru as Mugabe’s worthy potential successor and praises Solomon Mujuru as a generous and principled freedom fighter. Mugabe is incensed. When he conducts his annual birthday interview with ZBC in February 2007, he lashes out at Edgar Tekere, Ibbo Mandaza (the SAPES publisher of the book), Solomon Mujuru and Joice Mujuru: “They are trying to use an autobiography to influence succession in my party – ZANU-PF! Manje vairasa (They have misfired badly)!” Clearly, it means – according to Robert Mugabe – as early as February 2007, Joice Mujuru’s fate as an aspiring President of Zimbabwe is sealed. That ambition has gone up in vicious smoke. The problem is that Joice Mujuru, being someone of an incredibly naive disposition – a simpleton to use Mugabe’s description of her – does not realise this for the next seven years (from 2007 to 2014)! As for Solomon Mujuru, the death sentence has been signed by 2007. Again, although Solomon Mujuru is an astute, pragmatic and bold political operative, he is oblivious of the extent of the hatred he has generated in Mugabe. Of course, Mugabe, being the ultimate Machiavellian devil, takes his time – four years – waiting for the opportune moment to deliver the goods on 15 August 2011 to the decorated ZANLA Chief of Operations. In the March 2008 harmonised elections, Simba Makoni’s Mavambo project had Solomon Mujuru’s influence written all over it. According to former ZIPRA intelligence supremo Dumiso Dabengwa: “General Solomon Mujuru was supposed to endorse Makoni in Harare, General Vitalis Zvinavashe in Masvingo, and I was to do the honours in Bulawayo. I did my part, but when I called Mujuru in Harare, he said: ‘G-i-i-ve me a bit of time. We are still analysing the situation.’ He was now reneging on our arrangement. The cunning and duplicitous Mujuru who betrayed ZIPA in 1977 was back to his usual tricks.” In fact, Zvinavashe is the first to develop cold feet, and then Mujuru’s prevarication moved into top gear. Of course, Mugabe is aware of Mujuru’s treachery towards him. Our party, MDC-M, backs Makoni’s 2008 presidential bid through the Mavambo project, so I witnessed the shenanigans upfront. (The reasons why the unity talks and an electoral pact between MDC-M and MDC-T collapsed before the 2008 polls are detailed in Volume 2 of these memoirs). Mujuru does not overtly support Makoni. Instead, he gives the team his well-known girlfriend – a senior business executive – to work with Makoni’s campaign team as a sign of commitment. At one of his rallies, Mugabe mocks Simba Makoni through a fictitious and rhetorical conversation with him: “Who are you? ‘I am Simba Makoni.’ What do you want? ‘I want to be the President of Zimbabwe.’ Who are you with? ‘I am alone.’ Where is your party? ‘I have no party.’ Who else is with you? ‘My wife.’ Ah, anybody else? ‘And the girlfriend!’” At that point, Mugabe bursts into rip-roaring laughter as the crowd ecstatically embraces the pejorative and humorous projection and caricature of a rival candidate. Thereafter, he continues with his campaign speech without explaining his theatrical skit. For the uninformed and uninitiated, the assumption is that Simba Makoni (in addition to his wife) has a girlfriend who is part of his campaign team. Far from it. Mugabe is derisively referring to Solomon Mujuru’s girlfriend, whom he has donated to Mavambo, a party Mugabe disdainfully mocks as Magumo (The End). His CIO agents have thoroughly infiltrated Simba’s campaign. They have intimate details about all its activities, including Mujuru’s involvement, which includes the provision of an elaborate fleet of vehicles and substantial cash. Consequently, when Morgan Tsvangirai defeats Mugabe in the March 2008 presidential election, his venom and outrage are reserved for Solomon Mujuru, not Tsvangirai or even Simba Makoni. Why? First of all, it is the devil and Judas Iscariot scenario at play. Tsvangirai is the devil, and Mujuru is Judas. You do not get upset with the devil for doing what he does best. The devil’s role is as expected. It is the Judas factor – the betrayal by one of your own – that gets you palpably enraged. You excoriate, denounce and go after the traitor – the spineless turncoat. From March 2008 to 15 August 2011, Solomon Mujuru is a dead man walking! (To be continued next week)

Dear @mudhesvelicious, You can’t claim to be a democrat and at the same time get angry when a journalist factually reports on what is happening. A journalist who is scared to report on what is happening because it is unpopular is a bogus, incompetent and useless journalist. It is a fact that Tshabangu is talking to senior MPs in CCC who are close to Nelson Chamisa. It is true that Chamisa knows about this! It is also true that he has spoken to junior MPs. It is true that Tshabangu has also spoken to MPs pleading with him not to be recalled. It is true that Tshabangu is not a lone wolf, he is simply the Trojan horse for disgruntled bonafide CCC members. Chamisa knows them, CCC leaders know them. You also know them but you are coming to social media to dishonestly posture. It is true that if you have been an MP for more than two terms, you are indeed a senior MP, basic common sense. My job is not to push party propaganda or bogus long essay analysis which are not based on what is happening but mere opinions. When your MPs confirm that they are talking to Tshabangu, that is what we report as journalists. As I have always said, I don’t post what you want to hear, I post what is happening! Don’t ask me to reveal the identity of my sources or the MPs who have acknowledged talking to Tshabangu to me. It is journalistic privilege that any decent journalist shouldn’t violate or abuse. I am bound by ethics! I went to jail because I refused to divulge the identity of a Government official who gave me information that Henrieta Rushwaya was going to get bail unopposed. You called me a hero then for refusing to violate that journalistic tenet of protecting a source. I refused to divulge of multiple sources who gave me information leading to the Covid-19 looting scandal, I spent 45 days in prison and refused to expose sources. Today you are angry because I have done the same simply because you have a direct interest in the story, there is a name for that; HYPOCRISY! You can support your party in anyway you want, but don’t demand me to violate my journalistic ethics in pursuit of seeking to be seen in a certain way. You are free to UNFOLLOW me if you don’t like my type of journalism, you are also free to mute or block me. Good day and have a great week ahead. P/s you said that I am probably talking to Tshabangu directly, I would be such a foolish journalist if I turned down the opportunity to talk to Tshabangu and hear his side of the story, that is what REAL professional journalists do. For your own information, I haven’t spoken to him, but I would like to talk to him and interview him, that is called journalism.

Good morning. I'm reaching out to anyone who can assist me secure a teaching place for year 2024 preferably in Bulawayo or Harare or Gweru. It must be a private school. Form one to form four English and Literature. If you can assist hit my DM

Unfortunately there are many people like you who are fed propaganda by political party leaders and never bother to find out for themselves what actually happened through reading books. Prof Arthur Mutambara @amutambara was not responsible for the split of the MDC. It was Morgan Tsvangirai who violated the party constitution of the MDC by refusing to abide by a vote of the National Executive on the senatorial elections issue. Party leaders like David Coltart and Prof Welshman Ncube left Morgan Tsvangirai’s faction. Only then did Prof Mutambara appear on the political scene and led the group that had left after constitutional violations. You see, many Zimbabweans are still politically illiterate because they follow party leaders and not values, rules and constitutions. They are not different from ZANUPF that violates the country’s constitution and expect everyone to sing Kumbaya. Zimbabwe’s crisis was built on the back of multiple violations of the constitution by ZANUPF, but because it was your favourite leader that violated the constitution of the MDC, you are not bothered about suit violations. You want to lay the blame on those that chose to stick to constitutionalism. This tragic backwardness won’t change over night, we are still a backward people who vote for a person not the values that the person espouses and retains. It is either you are for constitutionalism or you are against constitutionalism, chose the value that you espouse and not prevaricate on the basis of who has broken that value. I hope you won’t repeat the lie that Prof Mutambara split the MDC, I also encourage you to read and acquaint yourself with our history and not rely on social media ramblings!

1 Thessalonians 5:6,17- Therefore let us not sleep, as others do, but let us watch & be sober pray without ceasing, WE ARE WATCHING OVER OUR DESTINIES, FAMILIES, CITIES & ALL AROUND THE WORLD; ABSOLUTELY NO NO WORK OF DARKNESS SHALL PREVAIL IN OUR DAY! HALLELUJAH! God bless you🙏

RETWEET Dear Zimbabweans, These are the chairpersons of the parliamentary portfolio committees. These committees are extremely important. Parliamentary portfolio committees deal with the examining of bills, departmental budget votes, and are responsible for oversight of the work their respective department does. The three most important for me are Finance (allocation of resources) led by ZANUPF, Public Accounts (it exposes corruption) led by CCC, and Health led by CCC. Stay engaged with all these committees and demand that they keep the nation informed here on social media about their work. RETWEET

When young people are being excited by criminals like Wicknell who are stealing public funds, this is the outcome of such looting of public funds! You will be cheering on the people that will eventually lead you to the grave. In any normal country, the first port of call in an accident is public healthcare, then you can move to private if you have the money unless if you have health insurance. This is because emergencies are not planned, hence Government services should always be on standby when needed. If you are injured today and taken to a private hospital, they will first ask for your medical insurance or cash, that is just how it works. They are doing this because there are ZANUPF politicians who have used these services and refused to pay, or deliberately don’t pay on time. The important question should be; Why would someone die for lack of a suitable ambulance in a country where citizens are paying taxes daily? Mars is not the problem, the problem is the ZANUPF Government that has refused to fix the healthcare system. I don’t think that blaming a private medical company for Government failures is the right thing. Why did Garry need to go to Harare? It is because Masvingo provincial hospital is dilapidated to a point of not even having a High Blood Pressure checking machine at some point. Next time you see crooks like Wicknell doling money on social media, remember that you are seeing the authors of this healthcare crisis! After burying my brother last week I warned that there will be many more such unfortunate deaths unless something is done about it. Many more will die until everyone reading this post starts taking our fight against corruption seriously! Don’t wait to get angry when you lose your loved once, get angry now because you could be the next victim!

Ministers are misleading @edmnangagwa on the state of the economy and economic progress. During the state of the nation address (SONA) @edmnangagwa reported that the mining sector has grown to US$12 billion up from US$2.8 billion in 2017. In some fora @edmnangagwa reported that the agricultural sector rose from US$5.7 billion to around US$8 billion in 2023. Using the mining sector and agricultural sector GDPs reported by @edmnangagwa it means that these 2 sectors add up to US$20 billion which is the current size of our economy. For avoidance of doubt Zim GDP as at 11 August 2023 stood at ZWL$120.3 trillion, i.e., US$20 billion at official exchange rate. The question which arises here is that if the mining and agricultural sector makes up the entire economy in terms of GDP, are we saying that other sectors such as manufacturing and services sectors have abruptly reduced to zero? In a recent publication by @zimstat the mining sector’s contribution to the economy stands at 13%. In view of this, if the we want to be mathematically correct and estimate the equivalent value of GDP which should give us US$12 billion mining sector economy, it would mean that the size of the Zimbabwe economy is now exactly US$92.3 billion. We all know that this is not the case. If we use the current @zimstat statistics to estimate the correct size of the mining sector by multiplying US$20 billion by 13% the true value of the mining sector is US$2.6 billion. When @edmnangagwa was making a presentation at the UN General Assembly he said that his government has built a vibrant healthcare system yet the reality is that our healthcare system is severely strained and has serious shortages of critical requirements such as drugs, consumables, critical equipment and personnel - my good brother @daddyhope has extensively elaborated the challenges facing the health sector over and over with no redress from the responsible authorities. Verifiable and credible information is key for economic planning and economic development. In view of the fact that the services sector constitutes 60% of the economy while the remaining 40% is shared between the mining, manufacturing and agricultural sectors, I am challenging the GOZ to religiously share credible statistics and reports on the performance of the economy.