In all of these, where are the state governors?

Thats not true. The north insecurity didn't start yesterday. One of the decisive action of the north in trying to cub insecurity is the overwhelming vote given to PMB against GEJ solely to avert the recurrent insecurity problem. Buhari was expected to be a messiah to the north in solving security problems but he was not successful. The dimension changed from NE to NW and overtime, because of the consistent occurence of it, the North become docile as compared to early beginning time of BH. So yeah, protest, proactiveness, shout, whatever it is has been tried until many solution proved abortive. The way the south acted in Oyo incident is the same way the north reacted to its early insecurity challenges. This is not the time to do hindsight analysis, let's hope the issue is resolved once and for all.

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I have said it before. You can be very smart, but you cannot be just too smart to be able to outsmart and fool everyone at the same time. When the National Assembly amended the Electoral Act and inserted Section 77 of the Act, they did so with the intention that the Act would help them checkmate overly ambitious politicians from defecting to other political parties to chase their ambitions, even when injustice had been meted out to them by unnecessarily manipulating them out of the primary election of their political party. Immediately the Act was passed, INEC, as usual, did not disappoint. INEC quickly backed the National Assembly by issuing guidelines which stated that every political party must first give INEC a 21-day notice before conducting its primaries. But it did not stop there. Political parties were further mandated to submit a digital register of their members before they could conduct any primary election. Failure to do so within the stipulated time, which INEC fixed as 10th of May, or the omission of any party member from the submitted register, would automatically render the primary election of that party null and void. At that point, INEC and the National Assembly believed they had perfected everything. They thought they had successfully cornered and estopped aggrieved politicians, especially those affected by the recent APC primary elections, from defecting to another political party. But unknown to them, a political party known as "Youth Party" had quietly dragged INEC before Justice Umar of the Federal High Court in Abuja. Their argument was simple but explosive. They argued that although the Electoral Act gave INEC the power to receive notifications from political parties before conducting conventions and primary elections, that power, however, was only meant to enable INEC monitor the activities of political parties and nothing more. The Youth Party further argued that upon a detailed consideration of Sections 29, 31, 32, 82, 84(1) and 98 of the Electoral Act, INEC had no power whatsoever to go outside the provisions of the law and begin issuing guidelines that dictate when politicians can defect into another political party, when parties can conduct their primaries, when they must submit the names of their members, or even when campaigns must stop. According to them, those sections of the Electoral Act had already clearly stipulated the timelines for submission of candidates’ names and the period for political campaigns. Therefore, INEC could not arrogate to itself powers beyond what the law expressly provided by issuing guidelines that practically controlled and strangled political parties. They then asked Justice Umar to declare all the guidelines earlier issued by INEC null and void for being undemocratic and completely against the spirit and intention of the Electoral Act. Justice Umar did not even waste time before aligning himself with the arguments of the Youth Party. In a judgment that has now sent shockwaves across the political space, he struck down all the guidelines issued by INEC and declared them null and void. Now, the implications of that judgment are massive. First, the transfer window across political parties has effectively reopened for politicians who may wish to dump their parties and move elsewhere. Secondly, no political party is under any immediate pressure or compulsion to submit the names or particulars of its candidates to INEC until 120 days before the election. Thirdly, political parties can still substitute the names of their candidates before 90 days to the election, and INEC will be legally bound to accept such substitutions. As it stands today, every wise politician who has been disqualified is expected to immediately take advantage of this judgment while INEC is yet to appeal it. And trust me, INEC will most certainly appeal. I am Ekene Aninze Esq.

Modern football is cruel to coaches who refuse to evolve. The game changes every season, pressing structures, build up patterns, player freedom, intensity and dressing room management. Coaches who survive at the top are the ones who adapt without losing their identity. That’s why managers like Pep Guardiola and Carlo Ancelotti continue to win. Pep keeps reinventing systems, changing roles and finding new solutions even after dominating football for years. Ancelotti on the other hand adapted to modern stars by giving freedom while still maintaining balance and control. They evolve, and evolution keeps elite coaches alive. But with José Mourinho, the concern is different. Since leaving Manchester United, his journey hasn’t looked convincing enough for a coach once considered untouchable. The spells at Tottenham Hotspur, AS Roma and Fenerbahçe SK have shown flashes, but not enough consistency to prove he has fully adapted to the modern game. A second spell at Real Madrid CF would be the perfect opportunity for Mourinho to prove he can evolve and still dominate at the highest level. But to succeed, he may need to abandon some of the old methods that worked a decade ago. Modern players are different. Managing talents like Kylian Mbappé and Vinícius Júnior is not simple. They can be difficult tactically because they demand freedom, but you also cannot just bench them because they are the players capable of deciding games. If Mourinho wants success, he must find solutions that maximize them instead of fighting against the reality of modern football. And Madrid fans should not get carried away too quickly. Reputation alone does not win football matches anymore. Mourinho would need time to learn, unlearn and rebuild himself tactically before competing consistently against coaches like Hansi Flick. If evolution doesn’t happen, the pressure at Madrid can turn quickly from excitement to another managerial collapse. ZLATAN ✍️

We spent years in the South West shouting ourselves hoarse about “Fulani hegemony.” Now, in a twist of irony, we are busy constructing a Yoruba version of the same thing. Let’s be honest: this has absolutely nothing to do with Yoruba self determination. Nothing. In fact, the very actors now parading as defenders of “Yoruba interests” systematically dismantled genuine self-determination movements, groups that could challenge them on ideological grounds. In their place, they empowered loyalists and opportunists, people more interested in pleasing the political establishment than questioning why a region’s commonwealth is being funneled to a select few. The same playbook. A different cast. Those waving the banners of “Fulani” yesterday and “Yoruba” today are not fighting for their people. They are fighting for themselves, for power, access, and wealth. That’s the real agenda. Ethnicity is just the costume. The script is class self enrichment. What we are witnessing is not liberation. It is elite capture, dressed up as tribal solidarity, packaged as destiny, and sold to the masses. And once again, ordinary people are expected to clap. Guess what? There are no subsided market for the Yoruba, the rain is falling on everyone with or without tribal marks.