250 years ago today, Congress debated Independence.
We saw previously that, on June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia proposed a resolution: “That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.”
Promptly at 10 o’clock the next day, according to the minutes, “The Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole to take into consideration the resolutions referred to them.”
The debate lasted until 7 PM but, alas, no decisions were made. “After some time spent thereon,” the minutes continued, “the president resumed the chair, and Mr. [Benjamin] Harrison reported, that the committee have taken into consideration the matter to them referred, but not having come to any resolution thereon, desired leave to sit again on Monday next.”
On Monday, June 10th, the Committee of the Whole resumed the debate.
One of the advantages of the committee of the whole—but a disadvantage for historians—is that their proceedings are not included in the minutes. Given that the delegates were committing treason against the Crown, this was a useful mechanism to keep their deliberations secret. However, Thomas Jefferson took detailed notes of the two days of debate and, decades later, inserted them into his autobiography.
Jefferson didn’t identify particular speakers, but he did say the opponents of Independence were led by John Dickinson and James Wilson of Pennsylvania, Robert Livingston of New York, and Edward Rutledge of South Carolina, the pro-Independence side by John Adams of Massachusetts and George Wythe and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia.
The supporters of Independence offered a myriad of reasons to sever America’s ties with the mother country, some theoretical, some practical:
· The British already had, for all practical purposes, severed ties. “That as to the people or parliament of England,” Jefferson wrote, “our connection had been federal only & was now dissolved by the commencement of hostilities. That as to the King…this bond was now dissolved by his assent to the late act of parliament, by which he declares us out of his protection, and by his levying war on us…Allegiance & protection are reciprocal, the one ceasing when the other is withdrawn.”
· The United Colonies needed military and financial aid from the kings of France and Spain, who could not be expected to support rebels against a brother monarch, or even trade with them, but might render assistance and open their ports to an independent nation. “A declaration of Independence alone could render it consistent with European delicacy for European powers to treat with us, or even to receive an Ambassador from us.”
· We’ve seen previously that, over the preceding months, Adams and his allies had worked feverishly to render the United Colonies de facto independent—by stealth at first, and then openly—so that an explicit declaration of independence would eventually assume an air of inevitability. Over the course of the spring, they passed legislation to promote manufacturing, regulate America’s foreign trade, remove the king’s name from loyalty oaths and legal documents, disarm the Tories, and establish new governments in the individual colonies. They were now ready to cash in on that strategy. They argued, “The question is…whether we should declare a fact which already exists.”
Indeed, the last argument was so powerful that Dickinson and his allies were not able to put forward any arguments against Independence itself. The best they could do was stall: “Tho' they were friends to the measures themselves, and saw the impossibility that we should ever again be united with Gr. Britain, yet they were against adopting them at this time.”
Which was not to say that they didn’t have some legit reasons that a delay was in order:
· “That the conduct we had formerly observed was wise & proper now, of deferring to take any capital step till the voice of the people drove us into it.”
· “That they were our power, & without them our declarations could not be carried into effect.”
· “That the people of the middle colonies (Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylva, the Jerseys & N. York) were not yet ripe for bidding adieu to British connection, but that they were fast ripening & in a short time would join in the general voice of America.”
· “That some of them had expressly forbidden their delegates to consent to such a declaration, and others had given no instructions, & consequently no powers to give such consent.”
· “That the assembly of Pennsylvania was now sitting above stairs, their convention would sit within a few days, the convention of New York was now sitting, & those of the Jerseys & Delaware counties would meet on the Monday following, & it was probable these bodies would take up the question of Independence & would declare to their delegates the voice of their state.”
· Further, they argued that it would be wrong for New England and the southern colonies (except South Carolina) to proceed with Independence while the middle colonies were still making up their minds. The decision had to be unanimous. “If the delegates of any particular colony had no power to declare such colony independant, certain they were the others could not declare it for them.”
· “That if such a declaration should now be agreed to, these delegates must retire & possibly their colonies might secede from the Union.”
· “That such a secession would weaken us more than could be compensated by any foreign alliance.”
Adams and his allies disputed that there was any need to wait to learn the feelings of the people of the middle colonies. The people had already made it abundantly clear that they were in favor of Independence. Indeed, we saw this previously with the May 20th town meeting in Philadelphia and the Mechanics’ Declaration of Independence in New York. Rather, it was the legislatures who were dragging their feet:
· The people “are in favour of the measure, tho ' the instructions given by some of their representatives are not.”
· “The voice of the representatives is not always consonant with the voice of the people, and that this is remarkably the case in these middle colonies.”
The radicals went so far as to cast aspersions on the motives and courage of middle colony leaders:
· “The backwardness of these…colonies might be ascribed partly to the influence of proprietary power & connections, & partly to their having not yet been attacked by the enemy.”
· “The conduct of some colonies from the beginning of this contest, had given reason to suspect it was their settled policy to keep in the rear of the confederacy, that their particular prospect might be better, even in the worst event.”
Still, the pro-Independence side couldn’t deny that the wheels were turning in the legislatures of the middle colonies. At an impasse, Congress decided to wait and see how that played out. “It appearing in the course of these debates,” Jefferson wrote, “that the colonies of N. York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July 1.”
Further, according to the minutes, Congress resolved that, “In the mean while, that no time be lost, in case the Congress agree thereto, that a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration to the effect.”
The delegates put off choosing the members of the Declaration of Independence committee until the next day. As we shall see in tomorrow’s Quarter Millennial Moment.
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@MadMikeIsenberg, and that's the way it was.
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Illustration(s):
The Assembly Room in the Pennsylvania State House, now known as Independence Hall, where Congress debated Independence (xiquinhosilva, CC by 2.0 license)
Source(s):
Autobiography of Thomas Jefferson, New York: Knickerbocker Press (1914), pp. 21-8,
google.com/books/edition/Aut….
Journals of the Continental Congress (1774-1789), Washington: Government Printing Office, vol. V (1906), pp. 425-9,
archive.org/details/journals….
Edward Rutledge, “Letter to John Jay,” June 8, 1776, National Archives,
founders.archives.gov/docume….
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