DAY 14 — NATIONAL GUN VIOLENCE AWARENESS MONTH TWO BUILDINGS. SAME SHOOTER. ONE DIFFERENCE.
December 9, 2007. Arvada, Colorado. A Sunday morning.
The Youth With A Mission center is a training and dormitory facility for young Christian missionaries. It is the kind of place you would not think twice about — a quiet building full of people who chose a life of service, who got up early on a Sunday to be there, who were not thinking about what Matthew Murray had been thinking about for a very long time.
Murray is 24. He applied to YWAM's missionary training program and was rejected. He has been carrying that rejection — and a great deal of other things — for months.
He goes to the YWAM center. He opens fire. Tiffany Johnson, 26, is killed. Philip Cruse, 26, is killed. Two others are wounded.
No one is armed. There is nothing to stop him.
He leaves.
He drives south on I-25, about 65 miles, to Colorado Springs.
New Life Church is a congregation of approximately 7,000 members. It is a Sunday. Services are ongoing. People are inside. The parking lot is full.
Murray arrives with multiple firearms and approximately 1,000 rounds of ammunition. In the parking lot, he shoots Stephanie Works, 18 years old, and her sister Rachel Works, 16 years old. Both are killed.
Then he goes inside.
What he does not know — what he cannot know — is that New Life Church has an armed volunteer security team. And on the security team is a woman named Jeanne Assam, a former Minneapolis police officer who carries a concealed firearm with a valid Colorado permit and has the full knowledge and authorization of the church's pastor to be armed on that property.
She hears the shots in the parking lot.
She finds Murray in a hallway.
She identifies herself. He fires at her. She fires back — multiple rounds, controlled, deliberate, the kind of shooting that comes from training and from deciding in advance what you are going to do when the moment arrives. Murray goes down. He fires a final round into himself.
The attack is over.
Pastor Brady Boyd stood in front of his congregation afterward and said what the national news was not particularly interested in repeating: "I believe she saved over 100 lives."
Seven thousand people were in that building.
One woman with a concealed carry permit and a church policy that allowed her to be armed stood between Matthew Murray and every single one of them.
THE ONE VARIABLE
I want you to hold both locations in your mind at the same time, because this is the entire gun control debate resolved by a single Sunday morning.
Same shooter. Same weapons. Same intent. Same ammunition load. Same level of law enforcement response. Same everything — except for one variable.
YWAM had no armed defender. New Life Church did.
At YWAM: two killed, two wounded, attack ended only when Murray chose to leave. At New Life Church: two killed in the parking lot before Assam knew what was happening, then the attack inside — where there were seven thousand potential victims — was ended by one armed civilian volunteer before he could reach them.
The variable was not the gun. Murray had guns at both locations. The variable was the POLICY. YWAM's policy left its people defenseless. New Life Church's pastor had made a specific, intentional decision to allow armed security — not law enforcement, not a private contractor, a church volunteer with a permit — and that decision is the reason the death count from New Life Church is two instead of something the awareness campaign would have been talking about for years.
No ribbon. No press conference. No legislation. A policy decision by a pastor.
This is what the gun control conversation costs when it goes in the wrong direction — not just abstract statistics, but the specific difference between two and an unknowable number on the same morning, measured by whether one person was allowed to be armed.
What next — someone is going to propose that a "No Firearms Allowed" sign deters someone who just killed two people at one location and drove to the next... wait. That was Murray's first stop. That was the YWAM center. The sign did not deter him. He left two people dead and got on the highway.
THE "GUN SHOW LOOPHOLE" THAT DOES NOT EXIST THE WAY THEY DESCRIBE IT
Since we are in National Gun Violence Awareness Month and Congress reliably uses June to push for closing the so-called "gun show loophole," let me tell you what Dr. John Lott found when he actually ran the numbers.
First, the factual foundation: a Bureau of Justice Statistics survey of 18,000 prison inmates found that fewer than ONE PERCENT of criminals who possessed a gun obtained it at a gun show. Adding flea markets gets the number to 1.7 percent. Meanwhile, 40 percent of crime guns came from friends or family, and 39 percent from the street or illegal sources.
You are proposing to regulate 1.7 percent of the problem while leaving 79 percent completely untouched. If a student submitted that as a policy solution in my classroom, I would hand it back.
But here is what Lott found when states actually closed the "loophole" — when they mandated background checks on private handgun transfers:
Murder rates went UP two percent. Robbery rates went UP three percent.
Table 10.12 in More Guns, Less Crime. Direct from the data. Closing the gun show loophole did not reduce murder. It raised it. Presumably because the regulation made it harder for law-abiding citizens to obtain firearms through private transfers — the 98.3 percent of legal gun transactions that were never part of the crime problem — while doing nothing to the 79 percent of criminals getting guns from the street and from people they know.
And waiting periods. Since we are already here: Lott's analysis of state and county data found no statistically significant relationship between waiting period laws — or the LENGTH of those waiting periods — and violent crime rates. None. The direction of the effects was inconsistent. The magnitude was insignificant. You are making a law-abiding widow wait three to five days to buy a firearm after she reports a stalker, and the data says it has not produced a meaningful reduction in violence. Not one category. Not one state.
The policies on the June awareness agenda are not calibrated to the data. They are calibrated to an audience.
Quinn's Law Number One: liberalism always produces the exact opposite of its stated intent. Close the gun show loophole — murder goes up. Mandate waiting periods — no effect on crime, one very real effect on the person who needed the firearm before the waiting period ended. Ban the policies that work; mandate the policies that fail. Repeat in June.
Quinn's Law Number Six: facts are the enemy of liberalism. Jeanne Assam stopped a mass casualty event at a 7,000-person church in December 2007, and the pastor of that church credited her with saving over 100 lives. You almost certainly did not know her name before today.
THE LEGAL REALITY THAT HOLDS REGARDLESS
DeShaney v. Winnebago County (1989) and Town of Castle Rock v. Gonzales (2005) say the same thing they have said every day of this series: the government has no constitutional obligation to protect you as an individual. Law enforcement was not inside the YWAM center when Murray opened fire. They were not inside New Life Church when he walked in. They arrived. They did their jobs. The difference between the two outcomes on that Sunday was made by people who were already there — and whether those people were armed.
The legal system acknowledges this reality in its most binding form: Supreme Court precedent. The policy being pushed every June acknowledges it too, in a different way — by working methodically to remove the one variable that made the difference.
But what do I know — I am only a medically retired Army combat medic, a published textbook author, a science teacher at a high-need Career Tech district where I watch young people every single day learn to make decisions about what they will do when the moment arrives — and a father of four whose children understand that safety is a decision, not a campaign.
Jeanne Assam made her decision. So did her pastor, when he wrote the policy that let her be there.
IF THIS ARTICLE MADE YOU THINK: LIKE it so the algorithm shows it to people who need to read it. SHARE it — same shooter, same day, two locations, one variable. If this framing is new to you, it will be new to someone you know. COMMENT below: YWAM had no armed defender. New Life Church did. The outcome was different. Tell me why the June awareness campaign is not talking about that variable.
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