AfD in Saxony now polls at 42 percent, twice as much as the Christian Democrats. All other parties with single digits. The establishment really did everything it could to raise this party.

Paul's "those who all their lives were held in slavery by their fear of death" is a great turn of phrase; applies to many today, not least the live-forever silicon-valley transhumanist types. a truly slavish lot.

She’s making too much sense!

This is not the first time. Was I the only one around in late 2017 when he was twitter-threatening to genocide N Korea? Back then, we naively reacted in earnest to POTUS theater; now we ignore it. POTI do not decide, or even influence decisions.

Hokusai's final masterpiece: Dragon Flying Over Mt Fuji ❨via a group I belong to❩

I'd argue that the ECB should move interest rates down and not up, based on today's news (also: German manufacturing orders down).

RT @BrianJBerletic: 🇺🇸/Iran: Iran Mission Creep and the US-Imposed "Distant Blockade" on China US is bringing in another carrier and addi…

When people ask me what my alternative is to NATO or European re-armament, it’s this:

"Do you want to rule the world and control it? I don't think it can ever be done. The world is sacred vessel ❨神器❩ and it cannot be controlled." Laozi, DDJ 29

hard agree 💯 ; great piece by @DamianFlanagan

The Epstein Affair (エプスタイン事件) is the final expression of the inner telos or entelechy of the boomer sex-revolution.

Germany is quietly building a new model of governance — one that doesn’t need to cancel elections, ban parties, or openly censor speech, because it has learned how to administer the art of "legitimacy" upstream. In a striking interview with Neue Zurcher Zeitung, researcher Andrew Lowenthal describes an industrial-scale opinion-management architecture inside Germany. His research maps roughly 330 interconnected actors spanning federal agencies, state ministries, publicly funded NGOs, universities, fact-checking organizations, think tanks, and foundations. They do not operate in opposition to the state. Increasingly, they operate as part of it. This is not blunt censorship. It is far more refined and eloquent in an Orwellian sense. What Lowenthal outlines is an epistemic management system: a closed feedback loop in which political judgment is processed into technical expertise and then returned to the public as neutral truth. The most unsettling detail is not coordination — it is belief. Many participants no longer recognize their work as political at all. They see themselves as custodians of reality, even as they define the boundaries of acceptable thought. The inversion is decisive. NGOs were once adversarial watchdogs. In Germany, they now function as extensions of state capacity, openly coordinating with ministries and regulators. Cooperation with government is no longer viewed as a conflict of interest; it is the baseline. Civil society has been absorbed into administrative infrastructure, while retaining the moral authority of independence. The funding makes the architecture visible. Programs such as Demokratie leben! distribute roughly €200 million annually, sustaining a sprawling ecosystem tasked with combating “hate,” “extremism,” and “disinformation.” These categories are intentionally elastic. Dissent is not banned; it is reclassified. Speech is not silenced; it is managed, filtered through grants, compliance regimes, and platform partnerships, and relabeled democratic resilience. Layered on top is the EU regulatory spine — particularly the Digital Services Act, which pressures platforms into continuous risk assessments, moderation alignment, and privileged “research access.” Transparency is the branding. Narrative leverage is the function. When the same institutional family defines risk, enforces standards, and evaluates outcomes, neutrality becomes circular logic. What makes this moment especially revealing is that Germany is not in a federal election cycle. There is no campaign emergency, no imminent vote, no populist surge forcing extraordinary measures. This system is being expanded mid-cycle, quietly, as routine governance. That matters. It tells us this is not a temporary response to instability. It is the permanent operating environment. Mature systems of control do not wait for crisis. They pre-condition legitimacy long before citizens are asked to participate. Voters are not told what to think; they are trained over time which thoughts are reasonable, which questions are responsible, and which positions fall outside the perimeter of seriousness. Hovering over this architecture is Friedrich Merz — a figure whose authority rests less on popular enthusiasm than on institutional insulation. Legitimacy becomes procedural rather than participatory. Elections persist, but their risk to power is steadily reduced. That is the signature of a system confident not because it is trusted, but because it is buffered. This is not a German aberration. It is a systems test — a warning etched in procedure, a calibration point where democracy is preserved in name while being redesigned in practice, measuring how much trust can be withdrawn from citizens before the result stops resembling freedom. Part 2/2 👇

Epstein's victims deserve justice - beyond punishing the individual scum, Marx noted in 1850 that capitalism invariably generates the 'unbridled assertion of unhealthy and vicious appetites ... particularly in the upper reaches of society' - it's the system that we must break

That Suharto has been named by Indonesia's govt as a "national hero" only underscores how his legacy of authoritarianism, corruption and oligarchic rule has persisted despite ostensible "democratic transition". bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cn40… 1/7

LIVE: The Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations investigates how corruption in science has influenced vaccine policy and public trust. x.com/i/broadcasts/1OyKAjXkm…

Right policy 👇

Trump's lazy populism hands election victory to one of the most authoritarian liberal parties in the world. Populism always fails. telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2…