Before Disney cleaned everything up, fairy tales were often dark, unsettling, and sometimes downright frightening. This is Rotkäppchen (Little Red Riding Hood), a German film released in 1962 in what was then East Germany, based on the classic Grimm Brothers story. More than sixty years later, it still feels strangely eerie. The dark forests, unsettling wolf, old-world costumes, and dreamlike atmosphere make it feel less like a children's movie and more like a forgotten piece of folklore brought to life. Watching it today, it's easy to understand why these stories were originally meant as warnings rather than bedtime entertainment. Would this have scared you as a kid?

A woman drove onto the wrong side in Delhi, causing a massive traffic jam. When people asked her to reverse, she refused, saying, “I’m a lady” 😳

Tajouj (1977), directed by Gadalla Gubara. A tragic & forbidden love story set in Eastern Sudan, showcasing the region’s customs, traditions, music, dress, and everyday life. It was the first feature film directed by a Sudanese filmmaker, making it a landmark in Sudanese cinema.

My commitment to Telangana statehood is not something that began recently. In 2009, while leading the Yuva Rajyam youth wing of Praja Rajyam Party, I participated in the Telangana Samajika Nyaya Sabha alongside Osmania University student leaders and Gaddar Garu. At a time when the Congress government led by the late YSR garu, was opposed to the formation of Telangana, I openly supported the aspirations of the Telangana people and gave a call for a “Samajika Telangana” a Telangana built on the foundations of social justice, self-respect, and equal opportunities for all sections of society. My support for Telangana was never driven by political expediency. It was guided by conviction and a belief that the democratic aspirations of the people deserved recognition and respect. The stand I took then reflects my unwavering commitment to Telangana and its people. My support for Telangana statehood was not a matter of politics, it was a matter of principle. #JaiTelangana #JaiHind

Cochin Jews speaking in fluent Malayalam with strong Mattanchery accent about how they celebrate Onam in Israel even three decades after they did Aaliyah as children. 👇

Incontrovertible evidence of how Twisha Sharma was abused and maligned by her husband and his mother emerges on tape. Imagine a mother in law who asks her daughter in law about her sexual history, former partners, accusing her of promiscuity- and comparing her to a prostitute, while, her son, calls his wife a R##ndi . Who made this lady a judge ? I was truly chilled to the bone when I heard this audiotape - where Twisha Sharma’s brother, a serving major in the army confronts his sister's mother in law and takes her on for the constant harassment of Twisha. On April 22nd days before she was tragically found dead in the judge’s home, the family secretly recorded what may now stand as one of the most chilling windows into the cruelty Twisha endured inside her marital home. In the audio, accessed exclusively by Mojo Story, Former Judge, Giribala Singh can be heard brazenly defending her son against the complaint that he called cTwisha a “r*ndi” . She can be heard aggressively saying that it’s her right to know whether her daughter in law has had multiple partners in the past. And then- that oldest trope in the world- she questions her morality, accuses her of promiscuity and invokes parallels with prostitutes ( used in this context as an abuse by her) , language so vile, so dehumanising, it is hard to listen to without outrage. Full coverage youtube.com/watch?v=Kxr7MEXC…

తిరుపతి గంగమ్మ జాతరలో అమ్మవారి లడ్డూ ప్రసాదాన్ని తినట్టు నటిస్తున్న @ncbn. #SadistChandrababu #JaganannaConnects

The Malayalam names Chandi (as in Oomen Chandi) cāṇṭi and iṭikkuḷa comes from the name Alexander.

ఇదయ్యా డీసీఎం గారి అసలు రూపం

Before smartphones, deadlines still existed but peace did too. ☕✨ This viral footage of the Infosys Bengaluru canteen from the 1990s is the ultimate reality check. Look at the absolute calm in the air. Real connection: People are actually looking at each other, laughing, and talking without a screen in sight. Zero rush: No one is aggressively typing on Slack or checking emails mid-bite. True presence: Everyone seems genuinely content, living in the exact moment they are in. It makes you realize that "living a good life" wasn't about the fastest internet speed. It was about slower days, fitter bodies, and unfiltered human connection. We traded our peace for constant notifications. Who else wishes they could experience just one workday from this era?

Creator of C , Bjarne Stroustrup: AI-generated code isn't ready — it generates more bugs, more bloat, more security holes, and is nearly impossible to validate "senior developers are already retiring rather than deal with it" The problem is that even a small prompt change can shift the entire codebase in unpredictable ways

ID cheppandi..

This fraud keeps exposing his illiteracy and stupidity

Ee jabardast na kodukulu TG AP elections time lo tega hadavudi chesaru 😏 Ippudu bandi and AP issues vacchinappudu ekkada denginchukuntunnaru 🤡

BJP called Suvendu Adhikary main person who has imparted the politics of Violence & Murder

At the Kerala border, the Government of Kerala accorded Jagadguru Shankaracharya Sri Sri Vidhushekhara Bharati Sannidhanam a ceremonial Guard of Honour, while the police band rendered a dignified welcome befitting a State reception. Sri Ravada Chandrasekhar, Director General of Police (DGP) of Kerala, along with several distinguished dignitaries, was present to receive Sri Jagadguru. *-*-* Stay tuned to our official WhatsApp channel for notifications and updates: tinyurl.com/SharadaPeethamWA #SanatanaDharma #Shankaracharya #Sringeri #Jagadguru #Mahaswamiji #Karnataka #HinduTemple #SriSannidhanam #VijayaYatra #DharmaVijayaYatra #Kerala #Kozhikode #Calicut #keralaphotos

The Truth about Bengal's De-industrialisation In 1947, Bengal was the most industrialised province in India, with one-fourth of all registered factories, and 24-27 percent of industrial output. But these figures hide some important truths: a) Bengal's key industries largely produced raw materials and inputs: jute, coal, iron & steel, and tea. b) They were overwhelmingly owned by non-Bengalis, and c) The condition of the working class was abysmal. The largest of the capitalist groups were British expatriates who operated through managing agencies - Andrew Yule, Bird & Co., Williamson Magor, McLeod & Co., Begg Dunlop, etc. As late as 1955, more than two-thirds of India's diversified business groups were British owned conglomerates with headquarters in Calcutta. The second big group was Marwari trading capital - Birlas, Goenkas, Bangurs, Khaitans, Kanorias, Jalans, Bajorias, etc. British control was finally dismantled after the Hazari Reports of 1964 and 1966, and the Monopolies Inquiry Commission of 1965. This accelerated the transfer of corporate control from the British to the Marwaris - something that had already started in the early 1950s. The buyouts were financed by private banks, share market manipulations, and even funds diverted from worker PFs. The focus was on arbitrage earnings, rather than expanding production. What broke Bengal's back, however, was the Freight Equalisation Act of 1956. Before 1956, it made sense to set up factories close to the source of coal, and iron ore. And that gave Bengal its unique advantage, since it was the hub of the mineral wealth of the eastern states. But the Freight Equalisation Act brought in by the Nehru government removed that advantage, by subsidising the flow of raw materials to other states. This meant that factories could be set up elsewhere and didn't need to be concentrated in Bengal. Within a few years, Maharashtra was receiving many more industrial licences than Bengal, and by 1964, well before the Left came to power, Bombay's factories were employing 13.5 lakh workers, compared to Bengal's 8.8 lakh. What about workers? Bengal's jute, steel and mining companies were notorious for exploiting workers. This became a cause of struggle under the national movement as long as their employers were British. But even after the transfer of ownership, the conditions of Bengal's working class continued to be terrible. Even in the early-70s, their wages were about a third less than what workers earned in Maharashtra, and surveys showed they suffered from chronic work-related ailments. That was the ground on which Bengal's militant labour movement arose and then intensified from the mid-1960s. The Left and socialist parties rode on the anger and frustration of industrial workers, miners, and of course, share-croppers. The 1967 United Front govt, brought SUCI's labour leader, Subodh Banerjee, to the labour minister's chair. He would come to be known as 'gherao minister.' Gheraos increased dramatically, and industrial stoppages rose from 179 in 1965 to 894 in 1969. The Left's political obligation was towards workers - not their employers. This accelerated the flight of capital that had already started two decades earlier. Equally important was the collapse of the global demand for jute, which was once the mainstay of Bengal's industry. Along with that the nationalisation of coal by Indira Gandhi also removed another important magnet for private capital in the region. The end of the licence-quota raj after the mid-1980s, caused a massive migration of capital from pro-worker states to pro-employer states. The Left Front's initial strategy was to implement land reforms, and generate capital formation in agriculture. While there is no doubt that Operation Barga was the most successful example of land reforms in India, the LF completely failed in its programme to create rural industries. This was despite the CPIM's trade union, CITU, becoming largely an industrial peace broker, shedding its old militant stance. By 1991, the number of stoppages had dropped to 192 (from 894 in 1969) out of which only 32 were because of workers' strikes. Most of the industrial stoppages were because of employers locking their factories and leaving. By 2003, mandays lost in West Bengal due to lockouts by owners was 16x that of what was lost due to workers' strikes. Of course, this was because other states were much more capitalist-friendly than West Bengal, and were much more open to implement anti-worker 'labour-reforms.' The biggest example of that was the suppression of the long textile workers' strike in Mumbai. The Left Front, under Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee tried its best to compete with other states to present a business-friendly image. It succeeded as well, in attracting capital into real estate, establishing SEZs across the state, and even getting the Tatas to invest in Singur. The rest, of course, is history. The question remains - why did the Bengalis not develop their own capitalist class? That is an entirely different story.

software devs in 2030 🤣

BJP MP Partho Did Something Cheeeeky In Parliament He Said A Line In Urdu And Said " I Spoke In Urdu So That They Feel It Easy To Understand ( Pointing Towards Jamaat MPs) Very Very Cheeky 🤣