The UK government didn't just turn a blind eye to the rape gangs. They facilitated them. They knowingly put children in the hands of gang rapists, and tried to stop anyone from talking about it. They wanted the rapes to happen.

After cheering their team on to a draw, Japan (@jfa_en) fans clean up the stands at Dallas Stadium.

🥹If you enjoyed your time at the day 0 karaoke concert, please be sure to go leave a positive review for Seahorse Brewing!! They were so gracious and accommodating 🙏

"Americans love to fight. All real Americans love the sting and clash of battle. When you were kids, you all admired the champion marble shooter, the fastest runner, the big-league ball players and the toughest boxers. Americans love a winner and will not tolerate a loser." -General George S. Patton, June 1944

Mr. Beast proved that they don't want institutions or a foundational system on which to build civilization. He dug simple wells in water starved areas. The locals then proceeded to blame him personally because he wasn't coming back to maintain them.

Je me suis longtemps passionné pour la psychologie, et une période m'obsède plus que toutes les autres. L'après-guerre. Le moment où des chercheurs se sont posé la question la plus dérangeante du siècle: comment l'Allemagne nazie avait-elle transformé des pères de famille ordinaires en bourreaux de camp? La réponse, ils ne l'ont pas trouvée chez des monstres. Ils l'ont trouvée chez des hommes parfaitement banals. Hannah Arendt a appelé ça la banalité du mal. L'historien Christopher Browning, en étudiant le bataillon de réserve 101 (des policiers d'âge mûr, des pères, des commerçants), a montré que ce ne sont pas des fanatiques qui ont fusillé des civils, mais des hommes normaux incapables de désobéir au cadre dominant. Puis vint Milgram. À Yale, environ deux tiers de gens ordinaires ont infligé ce qu'ils croyaient être des décharges mortelles, simplement parce qu'une autorité en blouse blanche le leur ordonnait. L'expérience de la prison de Stanford a montré la même chose sous un autre angle: donnez à quelqu'un un rôle et un cadre, et il s'y conformera jusqu'à l'inhumain. La leçon n'est pas allemande. Elle est humaine. Le mécanisme s'active dès qu'un cadre moral dominant fait craindre la sanction sociale plus que ne compte le témoignage de ses propres yeux. L'individu cesse de voir ce qu'il voit. Il voit ce que le cadre l'autorise à voir. Maintenant, regardez Southampton. Henry Nowak, 18 ans, poignardé, allongé au sol, répète aux policiers « j'ai été poignardé », « je ne peux plus respirer ». Réponse de l'officier: « I don't think you have, mate. » Pendant ce temps, son meurtrier retourne la situation d'une phrase: il aurait été victime d'une agression raciste. Quatre mots ont suffi pour déplacer le soupçon de l'agresseur vers la victime. Et l'officier a obéi. Pas à un ordre. À un cadre. Un cadre qui lui a appris, pendant des années, qu'une plainte pour racisme est l'accusation la plus dangereuse de sa carrière. Plus dangereuse, dans son réflexe conditionné, qu'un corps qui se vide de son sang devant lui. Exactement le mécanisme de Milgram, de Browning. Un homme normal qui cesse de croire ses propres yeux parce qu'un cadre moral lui a appris ce qu'il devait craindre. C'est précisément ça qui me terrifie. Souvenez-vous: le monde entier s'est agenouillé pour quatre mots, « I can't breathe ». Des entreprises, des gouvernements, des stades entiers. Henry a prononcé les mêmes mots, en train de mourir. Il n'y aura ni genou à terre, ni hashtag, ni minute de silence. Parce que sa mort ne sert pas le cadre. Elle le contredit. Et un système qui apprend à une société entière à faire passer l'accusation de racisme avant les faits, avant le corps, avant la vie, n'est pas une posture morale inoffensive. C'est une machine à fabriquer des hommes qui, face à un enfant en train de mourir, choisissent les menottes.

So with the new trailer for Warhammer 40k 11th edition proving that the Emperor does indeed mourn the loss of every single Guardsman, this puts some context on the famous opening text of the setting. "Cruelest and bloodiest regime imaginable" and "You will not be missed" are being said by Chaos. Those lines are literally Chaos propaganda.

The period from 2006 to 2009 in Iraq was a strategic and operational mess. Higher headquarters and civilian leadership in DC often had unclear or shifting objectives, and assessments were frequently written to satisfy whatever narrative the academics, colonels and above, or political masters wanted to hear that quarter. We were handed impossible tasks and regularly accomplished them anyway. To hindsight second-guess the people on the ground who were actually dealing with that soup sandwich is beyond the pale. @infantrydort recently shared one such account on X: a detailed first-person description of a 2008 firefight near Sadr City, in which his small element was attacked from multiple directions during a dust storm, took sniper fire and mortar rounds, called for artillery and air support on the buildings the fire was coming from, and held their ground. @HicksCBER, a retired military academic responded by implying the officer had never thought through the implications of calling for fire in an urban setting and didn't know anything worth knowing. The veteran's reply was raw and unfiltered, the kind of response you get from a man who actually carried the weight of those decisions. Both reactions make sense. This post is about the context that was missing from that exchange. Fights matching that pattern occurred across eastern Baghdad and the surrounding belt in April 2008. On April 17 and 18, a heavy dust storm engulfed the city. Mahdi Army gunmen used the cover to attack coalition front lines and checkpoints. Iraqi units at police stations and positions came under pressure, with some companies deserting or being overrun before American forces reinforced. Fighting continued through the night and into the next day while aviation and drones were grounded by the storm. Official reports recorded 17 Iraqi soldiers and 22 militiamen killed in that span, along with civilian casualties. A second wave hit around April 27 and 28 during another dust storm. Mahdi Army fighters again attacked blockades and positions around Sadr City and in eastern and northeastern Baghdad. In one documented clash, a large group assaulted a joint Iraqi and US checkpoint in northeastern Baghdad with small-arms fire. Twenty-two Mahdi Army fighters were killed in that single engagement. Additional fighting in eastern Baghdad that same period left another 16 militants dead. Broader reporting from the same days noted that most of the roughly 41 Mahdi fighters killed in recent clashes had been attacking checkpoints and patrols while using the sandstorm to offset the lack of air cover. US and Iraqi forces responded with ground counterattacks, armor support where available, and fires into urban areas. These actions were part of the militia response that followed Prime Minister Maliki's launch of Operation Charge of the Knights in Basra in late March 2008. The Iraqi government was moving against Jaish al-Mahdi strongholds and criminal networks in the south. Tehran enabled pushback through its proxy networks, producing coordinated pressure in both the south and the Baghdad belt. Dust storms became a recurring tactical factor that allowed militia groups to mass against checkpoints, bridges, and canal crossings while degrading Coalition ISR and aviation. The consistent pattern across these fights included use of captured equipment, indirect fire, and deliberate operation in dense urban terrain where civilian presence complicated targeting. That was terrain the enemy chose precisely because it created that complication. That last point is the one the armchair critics consistently miss. Michael's charge, that the officer never thought through the implications of calling for fire in an urban setting, gets the causality backwards. The enemy engineered that dilemma deliberately. They amassed in dense neighborhoods, used civilians as tactical cover, and timed attacks to dust storms that grounded air assets and degraded ISR. The choice was not between a clean option and a messy one. It was between accepting friendly casualties and accepting the risk of civilian harm inside an urban environment the enemy had deliberately occupied. That is not an ethical failure. That is the enemy's strategy, successfully imposed. At higher levels the picture remained muddled. The Surge had produced tactical gains, but the broader strategy was shifting toward transition with unclear and sometimes competing priorities between Washington, MNF-I, and an increasingly assertive Iraqi government. Assessments often emphasized metrics that looked good in briefings rather than the harder ground truth small units were facing. The result was the same soup sandwich across sectors: adaptive enemies executing a recognizable pattern while ground forces handled the immediate friction with limited resources and guidance. Iranian Qods Force facilitation of weapons, training, and direction gave militia groups the capacity to sustain these surges and impose real friction on Coalition and Iraqi forces. Small units on the ground were dealing with the effects of that proxy system in real time, without the luxury of the strategic clarity their critics now claim to possess. The veteran's raw response, that he didn't stop for an ethics huddle, that he would level an entire neighborhood to protect one of his men, will strike some as troubling. It shouldn't. Not caring in the moment is not the same as not carrying the weight afterward. The men who executed these missions lived with the uncertainty about who was truly in the fight versus caught in the middle. Some of that weight is spiritual. Every person involved still bore the image of God, even when the necessities of the moment did not allow for perfect distinctions. That burden is real, and it is one reason why honest processing of what actually happened matters more than lectures from people who were never in it. This is where detached ethics criticism falls short. Comments that reduce these decisions to individual moral failures ignore both the documented pattern and the enemy's deliberate tactics. When small elements faced coordinated assaults on checkpoints and key terrain during dust storms, with effective enemy fires and civilians in the same dense areas, the immediate requirement was to break contact, protect their people, and hold ground. Reducing that to an ethical lapse from a safe distance isn't serious moral reasoning. It's the projection of classroom standards onto conditions the classroom cannot replicate. The men who did this work in 2006 to 2009 do not need to be turned into case studies for someone else's virtue. They need the space to describe the actual pattern of fights they faced: small units accomplishing impossible tasks inside a strategically confused war against adaptive, Iranian-enabled proxies, without being second-guessed by people operating from safety and hindsight. The ground truth of that period deserves more respect than armchair ethics. Respect to the men who carried it.

My fianceé when I identify a WWII aircraft by sound alone

Happy men's mental health month everyone

gotta give the people what they want

y'all are fast as shit holy crap

🇺🇸 Most Badass Presidents: Combat Veteran Edition #3 Andrew Jackson Andrew Jackson, our 7th President, was one Badass President. Nicknamed Old Hickory, he was sabered as a teenage Revolutionary prisoner for refusing to shine a British officer’s boots and annihilated the British at New Orleans. Born March 15, 1767, in the Waxhaws region on the border of North and South Carolina. As a 14 year old courier for the Continental Army, Jackson and his older brother Robert were captured by British dragoons in 1781. The British officer ordered the boys to clean his boots. Jackson, the young badass he was, refused. The officer slashed him across the head and left hand with a saber, cutting to the bone. The wound left a permanent scar and lifelong hatred for the British. Both boys contracted smallpox in captivity. Robert died shortly after their release. Jackson barely survived and carried the scars forever. After the Revolution he became a lawyer and politician but never forgot how to fight. In 1806, he dueled against Charles Dickinson, the best marksman In Tennessee. Jackson chose to take the bullet first. He was hit direct in the chest. Instead of falling, he clamped his hand over his bleeding wound and raised his pistol. Dickinson gasped “My God! Have I missed him?” He fired and killed Dickinson. Jackson would carry that bullet next to his heart the rest of his life. In 1813 during the Creek War he commanded Tennessee militia. Just before the campaign Jackson survived a gunfight with the Benton brothers in a Nashville tavern. A bullet shattered his left shoulder. Doctors wanted to amputate his arm but Jackson refused and threatened to kill any man who tried. The bullet was never removed. Despite his shoulder wound, he joined the fight one month later, marched 150 miles, and led from the front the entire time. At the Battle of Talladega he rescued a besieged garrison under heavy fire. At the Battle of Horseshoe Bend on March 27, 1814 he faced over one thousand Red Stick Creeks. Jackson ordered a frontal assault and a flanking maneuver across the river. In savage hand to hand combat his men overran the position, killing more than eight hundred warriors. It was the single bloodiest day in the history of Native American warfare. This victory crushed the Creek confederacy. When the War of 1812 reached its climax Jackson was promoted to major general. He marched his ragtag army of Tennessee militia, Kentucky sharpshooters, Choctaw warriors, and Jean Lafitte’s pirates to defend New Orleans. On January 8, 1815 despite the peace treaty already being signed but unknown to both sides he faced a professional British force of roughly 8000 veterans. Jackson built a strong defensive line at Chalmette behind a canal. When the British attacked in the open he waited until they were close, then unleashed devastating artillery and rifle fire. His men poured lead into the advancing redcoats. They obliterated the British in about 30 minutes. The British suffered over two thousand casualties, including their commander General Pakenham. Jackson lost only seventy one. The stunning victory made him a national hero and earned him the nickname Hero of New Orleans. And then at his funeral in 1845, in a fitting tribute, his parrot launched into a tirade of swear words so loud that he had to be removed. It was just repeating what he heard from Jackson so many times. He fought for the Republic long before he ever stepped foot in the White House. Thank you, Mr. President! 🫡🇺🇸

⚠️ One more reason to dislike Flock: “The Guardrail Guy” a dad who turned his daughter’s death into a national safety crusade is now documenting how many Flock cameras are installed illegally without required breakaway bases, meaning they can turn a crash into a lethal spear.

Weekly reminder: Decline is a choice.

Kind of an updated Bill Mauldin cartoon in the manner of the WWII grunts, Willie and Joe. This by a Digital Creator named RL Crabb. Some gave all.

Some sick stuff going on in forza horizon 6 #fh6 #ForzaHorizon６ #phaseconnect #MMOARTPG Livery code 863 254 343 (for some reason the word "pipkin pippa" is banned in forza)

オリオン座の三ツ星に流星が刺さって、お団子になった写真🍡 一生撮れない。 #もう一度撮れと言われても撮れない写真

Jurassic World Rebirth (2025) had a budget of $180 million. This had a budget of $180 😂