@nelsonchamisa 2yrs of silence didn't erase influence; it only amplified the echo. Zim politics doesn't pause for no one, but it certainly reacts to his return. The sneeze was heard. The room reacted. When influence returns, silence ends. He cleared his throat, & Zim leaned in!

VaChinotimba vanoti.......

Patrice Motsepe is the worst President of CAF ever Retweet if you agree Morocco 🇲🇦 Moroccans #UEA

Nice try @KandishayaTaura Section 328(7) covers “any public office” including the President, Parliament and even councils. To override that they would need to amend Section 328 itself which requires a referendum under Section 328(9) Your propaganda doesn’t work. Sorry!#NoTo2030

There is one thing that EDiots should understand: I will never apologize to gukurahundi mass murderers. Never. Mnangagwa is a gukurahundi mass murderer. I don't owe him any apology. Better kufa chaiko. Ngiyafunga sibili ngabo bonke abakithi abaphansi!

Hello @ProfJNMoyo what do you think about @edmnangagwa who wants to extend his term by 2 years. Can he benefit from this constitutional change. Why is he afraid of the referendum. Why taking away the democratic right of people to choose a President of their choice. Mlevu answer

The reflections by Paul Mangwana and Douglas Mwonzora on the long, difficult negotiations that produced the 2013 Constitution are a powerful reminder of how carefully that document was crafted. Which raises a genuine question in 2026 If the Constitution was meant to be a stable foundation for Zimbabwe’s democracy, how should we think about the current wave of proposed amendments? Are we strengthening the vision that was negotiated back then… or slowly drifting away from it?

Nhayi @zanupf_patriots hamuneti here - Zimbabwe is for all Zimbabweans !!!

Geneva, 20 February 2026 — The Geneva Summit for Human Rights and Democracy coalition today called on the United Nations to take urgent action following threats by the Government of Zimbabwe against Zimbabwean journalist Blessed Mhlanga, who addressed the Summit at the United Nations Office at Geneva on 17 February. After Mr. Mhlanga testified about repression and restrictions on media freedom in Zimbabwe, the state-owned newspaper The Herald published a statement by Information Minister Zhemu Soda condemning his remarks as “malicious” and warning that Zimbabwe’s so-called “patriotic clauses” prohibit engagement with foreign entities in ways deemed harmful to the state. In addition, Senator Sengezo Tshabangu publicly stated that he would pursue a parliamentary motion to cancel Mr. Mhlanga’s passport for alleged “unpatriotic conduct.” “These are not abstract criticisms — they are threats of prosecution and restrictions on freedom of movement in retaliation for speaking at the United Nations,” said Hillel Neuer, Executive Director of UN Watch, which leads the Geneva Summit coalition. “No journalist or human rights defender should face criminal charges or passport revocation for cooperating with the UN.” The coalition has formally written a complaint letter to UN Secretary-General António Guterres requesting that the case be examined under the UN’s reprisals framework, that the Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights urgently engage Zimbabwe’s government, and that the matter be included in the Secretary-General’s next report on intimidation and reprisals. “When individuals are threatened for addressing the United Nations, the credibility of the UN itself is at stake,” Neuer added. “The Secretary-General must act swiftly and publicly to ensure that Mr. Mhlanga is protected.” The Geneva Summit is co-sponsored by 30 human rights NGOs from around the world and provides a platform at the United Nations for dissidents and victims of repression to speak directly to the international community.

Zimbabwe Minister and Senator threaten journalist @bbmhlanga with prosecution and passport revocation after he testified at the United Nations on Zimbabwe abuses—blatant reprisal for cooperating with the UN. We have requested the Secretary-General to act: genevasummit.org/geneva-summ…

DEBUNKING TOXIC PROPAGANDA AROUND THE PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMIT PROVISION 1.        Section 328(1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe tells us what a term limit provision is. It says a term limit provision is one which “limits THE LENGTH OF TIME that a person may hold or occupy a public office”. 2.        Section 95(2)(b) says a single term of office for the President is 5 years long. 3.        Section 91 (2) says a person is disqualified for election as President if they have already HELD OFFICE as President for two terms. 4.        Which of the two fit the definition of a term limit provision as provided for in section 328(1) of the Constitution?   5.        Of these two, section 95 (2) (b) is the term limit provision because it limits THE LENGTH OF TIME that a person may HOLD office as President, to 5 years. Section 91(2) does not regulate the LENGTH OF TIME that a person may hold office, but it disqualifies a person from SEEKING TO HOLD that office if they have already served for two terms and each term is LIMITED to a maximum of 5 years. 6.        Therefore, the difference between these two provisions is that section 91(2) regulates the eligibility for one to APPLY for the job of the President while section 95(2) regulates the length of time that one can serve as a President once appointed into that office by Zimbabweans through an election.  The term limit provision is section 95(2)(b) of the Constitution. 7.        The 7 judges of the Constitutional Court were right in their findings in Marx Mupungu v Minister of Justice (2021) when they said section 95(2)(b) is “UNDOUBTEDLY” a term limit provision which cannot be changed without holding a national referendum. 8.        No amount of propaganda should change that legal position. @daddyhope @HeraldZimbabwe @DavidColtart @citezw

Arsenal 👇 Despite the setbacks and doubts that currently surround the team, it will rise and win the championship, provided that the refereeing errors against it are not repeated.

This is the argument that’s being presented by the 2030ists. It is important that you understand it. Constitutionally, the president has two terms and the term limit provision only limits itself to only those two terms. The amendment does not seek to increase the terms. It maintains the two terms but alters the duration of one of the terms. That being the case, Mnangagwa can benefit from the alteration of the duration because this is not an alteration of the term(s). Not only is the argument wrong, but it is also stupid and is regrettably inane. I won’t engage the law on this one for obvious reasons. I’ll only characterize the argument and put it in lay terms so that you understand why it is stupid and why it can only lead to a subversion. The argument is akin to saying, a soccer match has two halves. The first half of 45 minutes has now been played. Given that the home team is losing, we’ll now increase the second half to 60 minutes so that the home team gets an equalizer. Our justification is that we’ve not changed anything because the match remains with two halves and the laws require that a game must have two halves. Tangotatamura second half. Ladies and gentlemen, this is what these bottom feeders are saying. No greater imbeciles have disgraced the name and face of humanity. This, with kind respect, is certifiable buffoonery.

🔴The sacred book of the nation is being edited like a WhatsApp message after it's already been sent! ©️Zimdecoded

The US Constitution was signed in 1787 and took effect in 1789, making it ~237 years old as of 2026. It has 27 amendments, ratified to address rights, governance, and societal changes: 1-10 (1791): Bill of Rights—protect freedoms (speech, religion, arms, trials, etc.). 11 (1795): State lawsuit immunity. 12 (1804): Revise presidential elections. 13 (1865): Abolish slavery. 14 (1868): Citizenship, equal protection. 15 (1870): Voting rights regardless of race. 16 (1913): Income tax. 17 (1913): Direct Senate elections. 18 (1919): Prohibition (repealed by 21st). 19 (1920): Women's suffrage. 20 (1933): Term start dates. 21 (1933): Repeal Prohibition. 22 (1951): Presidential term limits. 23 (1961): DC electoral votes. 24 (1964): Ban poll taxes. 25 (1967): Presidential succession. 26 (1971): Lower voting age to 18. 27 (1992): Delay congressional pay raises. No amendments since 1992.

Oh, I see there had been another dance before!

"The dance" analogy Ladies & Gentlemen, Comrades & Those!

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