A few comments:
1: What if anything would you accept as evidence the state is not anti-White?
2. Isn’t the Act the remedy for anti-White discrimination, not only its alleged source? Your real target is s149 plus positive action, but “abolish the Act” overshoots and would strip everyone’s protection from race discrimination, including the White claimants you champion.
3. Your article states several principles in your own voice: equal treatment regardless of skin colour or sex (“the best person for the job”); the explicit claim that disparate outcomes don’t always equal discrimination; the objection that Labour embedded a contested agenda in the permanent state without an electoral mandate; and complaints about public bodies concealing their DEI spending.
However it proposes no principled constraints on a Reform government at all. The article sets out an expansive programme of what Reform would do (repeal the Act, ban DEI, install political appointees to enforce that ban, deport those who can’t self-fund housing, and so on), with nothing self-limiting in it. Why do you not take the principles you state and apply them symmetrically: turn them back on a hypothetical Reform government to say what would constrain it?
4. Is that all going to be taken care of by your support for PR, such that you’ll have > 50% left wing MPs around the table of government?
Alternatively aren’t the best constraints in a future Reform government derivable from your own stated principles, applied symmetrically? Equal treatment, outcomes-aren’t-proof, and “don’t entrench contested ideology in the permanent state”? If you stated you would stick to those principles and dropped support for PR/retained FPTP, the voters could boot a future Reform government out easily if it didn’t stick to such principles.