ایران ما، امروز بیش از هر زمان دیگری به اتحاد نیروهای ملی نیاز دارد. چه با حمایت خارجی و چه بدون آن، سرنوشت ایران در دستان خود ماست. ما از این رژیم فرسوده و درمانده نیرومندتریم. ما از مزدورانی که برای نمایش‌های تبلیغاتی به خیابان فرستاده می‌شوند، مصمم‌تر و استوارتریم.

تا مرد/زن سخن نگفته باشد عیب و هنرش نهفته باشد به این سخن پادشاه فقید ایران باور داشته باشیم که «چنته هرکسی که توخالی باشد بالاخره معلوم می‌شود». نیازی به شتاب در قضاوت نیست. اجازه بدهیم و از همه بخواهیم نظرات‌شان را شفاف درباره موضوعات مهم بگویند. حساسیت جامعه ایران به اصلاح‌طلبی و فلسطین‌محوری، و به طور کلی گفتمان۵۷، به حدی بالاست که نگرانی در خصوص برآمدن دوباره‌ی چهره‌های وابسته به آن را برطرف می‌کند.

شاهزاده رضا پهلوی: «فرض کنید همین نمونه سیلیکون ولی را بشود در بلوچستان پیاده کرد. چرا که نه!» نشست آینده تکنولوژی در ایران سان‌فرانسیسکو، ۲۶ اردیبهشت ۲۵۸۵/۱۴۰۵

.@POTUS: The Iranian people "want to go out on the streets. They have no weapons. They have no guns. We thought the Kurds were going to give [them] weapons, but the Kurds disappointed us. The Kurds take, take, take... I’m very disappointed in the Kurds."

The Islamic Republic has launched missiles at the UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Oman, Jordan, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. It is targeting our Arab neighbors. These violations of their sovereignty are unacceptable and we condemn them. But this is nothing new. This is who the Islamic Republic has always been. And this is why it must end. For nearly five decades, this terrorist regime has sown chaos and bloodshed across our region. It propped up Assad, turning Syria into a graveyard. It planted Hezbollah; as a state within a state in Lebanon. It armed the Houthis to destabilize the Arabian Peninsula. It empowered militias in Iraq that undermine Iraqi sovereignty. It attacked the economic hubs of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. None of this has ever been the desire of the Iranian people, but rather that of the regime occupying our country. Now, however, the landscape has fundamentally shifted. Assad is gone. Hezbollah has been decimated. The regime’s military nuclear program has been set back. Its economy is in freefall. The pillars of this regime’s aggression are crumbling. The Iranian people have paid the price, in blood, to reach this moment. The regime massacred at least tens of thousands of my compatriots in just two days. But it didn’t break the people. Instead, the regime itself is breaking. Today, history reminds us of our future potential. Before the revolution, Iran worked closely with Arab leaders — from King Faisal to Sheikh Zayed to King Hussein to President Sadat. In Oman, my father helped Sultan Qaboos defend his country against insurgency. We were true partners then. We will be true partners again. The Iranian people have called on me to lead the transition after the regime is gone. I have accepted that responsibility. Part of their great mandate to me is to return our nation and our foreign relations to normalcy. I will do exactly that. My commitment is to ensure the transition is orderly, the country is stabilized, and Iranians determine their future through the ballot box. We will not repeat the mistakes of past transitions. We will avoid de-Baathification scenarios and maintain as many bureaucrats and public servants in the transition as possible. Iranians have made their choice — at an enormous price. Now I ask our friends in the Arab world to join us. To prepare to recognize and engage our transitional government. We will rebuild our nation not for expansion, but to serve the Iranian people. We will base our diplomatic relations, not on exportation of ideology, but on mutual respect and shared interests. We will reintegrate into the regional and global economy to increase prosperity for the citizens of all of our nations. Standing with the Iranian people is not charity. It is a strategic investment in making our region one of the most stable, secure, and prosperous in the world. Together, we can build a Middle East our children will be proud to inherit. Take this new path with us.

As things stand now, the regime is likely to survive. Its tolerance for the pain inflicted by the blockade is greater than the US media’s tolerance for higher gas prices (though President Trump’s tolerance may be higher). 3 options for next steps: 1) Stay the course a little longer, inflict maximum economic damage to the regime, weaken it as much as possible, claim victory—it will certainly be a military victory—but recognize we’ll always have to be ready to come back to ensure the regime doesn’t regenerate its nuclear program and deal with its inevitable terrorism. 2) Keep the blockade restart a military operation to definitively destroy the regime’s ability to regenerate its nuclear program—or delay it by decades (this will require putting boots on the ground to at least remove the “nuclear dust”). This approach will likely mean we’ll have to come back from time to time. 3) Option 2 restart the targeting of the regime’s top (and local) leaders, degrade their repression capabilities as much as possible, while arming the population, with the clear objective of toppling the regime. Only Option 3—definitely the riskiest—can lead to the change of leadership in Iran that’ll ensure we don’t always have to look over our shoulder. Who knows?Maybe we’ll even end up with @PahlaviReza, who’ll usher in a democracy that likes America.

اینترنت را باید آزاد کنیم. من اگر انتخاب شدم جلوی فیلترینگ خواهم ایستاد و کسب و کارهای تعطیل شده را بازیابی خواهم کرد. #مناظره