Democracy or the Abandonment of National Rights?
When Abdullah Öcalan says, “We are closer to freedom and democracy than ever before,” Kurds have every right to ask: What kind of democracy is he referring to?
Has the Turkish state, after more than forty years of conflict, recognized the Kurdish people as a distinct nation with clear constitutional rights? Has it adopted political decentralization? Has it recognized Kurdish as an official language in education and public life? Has it granted Kurds the right to govern their own regions or determine their political future? If the answer is no, then where is this democracy that we are supposedly approaching?
Individual equality before the law, important as it may be, is not enough to resolve the issue of a people seeking recognition of their national rights. True democracy does not merely mean that a Kurdish citizen is equal to a Turkish citizen as an individual; it also requires recognition of the Kurdish people as a nation with legitimate political, cultural, and national rights.
The same question applies to Syria. Does appointing a few Kurdish figures to state institutions or parliament mean that the Kurdish issue has been solved? Or does the core of the issue still lie in constitutional recognition of the Kurdish people and their national rights?
After decades of struggle and enormous sacrifices, many Kurds are asking: Was the goal merely to reach vague promises of democracy, or was it to secure clear recognition of the Kurdish people’s national rights?
Therefore, the fundamental question remains: If we are indeed closer to democracy, where do Kurdish national rights fit within that democracy? And can there be genuine democracy for a people whose identity and collective rights are still disputed?
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