The short answer is: yes, the cycle can break.
But not in the way Hollywood trained us to expect.
It will not be one great clash.
It will not be Russia or China riding in as saviors.
It will be something slower, uglier, more boring, and more irreversible.
Let me break it into pieces.
1. No one is coming to "save" us.
First, we have to kill the savior fantasy.
Russia, China, Iran, the BRICS, whoever, they are not charities.
They are states with their own interests, traumas, and limits.
China does not want a direct war with the U.S. over Palestine or Lebanon.
Russia does not want a direct war with NATO over Gaza.
Iran does not want full-scale war that could tear it apart internally.
They push at the edges:
Energy deals. Arms to resistance movements. Diplomatic cover. De-dollarization. Infrastructure.
They are trying to weaken the empire without triggering Armageddon.
So if we are waiting for a clean "counter-empire" to knock Washington and Tel Aviv off the board in one move, we will wait forever.
There is no "good empire" coming.
There is only the possibility of a world where no single empire can do what the U.S. and Israel are doing now with total impunity.
That is the real horizon.
2. What actually keeps this cycle going?
U.S.-Israeli impunity rests on three pillars:
1. Material power
Dollar system, SWIFT, control over shipping lanes, tech, patents, credit, sanctions, supply chains.
2. Military architecture
Bases everywhere, forward deployments, nuclear umbrellas, missile defense, and the training and arming of regional client regimes.
3. Narrative control
Western media, platforms, Hollywood, think tanks, NGOs, "experts" who turn massacres into "security dilemmas" and colonization into "conflict."
You do not break the cycle with vibes or Twitter outrage.
You break it by eroding these three pillars until the cost of empire is higher than the benefits.
That is already happening. Slowly.
3. Where Russia, China, and others actually matter.
They cannot topple the U.S. and Israel in one gesture.
But they can, and already do, make the machine less absolute.
A few examples of how, in principle:
Economic exits:
Every oil contract not denominated in dollars, every payment system that bypasses SWIFT, every port, rail link, and fiber cable that does not run through U.S.-controlled chokepoints makes sanctions weaker as a weapon.
Arms and deterrence:
When countries under siege can access air defenses, rockets, drones, and cheap asymmetric tools, occupation becomes expensive.
That does not liberate the world.
But it makes extermination harder and "easy wars" rarer.
Institutional alternatives:
Regional banks, courts, and security arrangements outside U.S. control mean that if Washington calls you a "terrorist" or freezes your assets, you still have somewhere to breathe.
Symbolic breaks:
When big states refuse to join sanctions, refuse to parrot Western narratives, and publicly call Gaza a genocide, the U.S. loses its favorite weapon: the illusion that it is "the international community."
None of this is glamorous.
It is not a cinematic liberation.
It is the slow process of turning an empire from a god into a large, dangerous country that other large, dangerous countries can say no to.
4. What will not break the cycle:
A single election in America.
A new "deal" with Israel.
A UN resolution.
A heroic speech from a Western politician.
These things can reduce suffering at the margins.
They do not change the underlying hardware.
As long as the dollar, the bases, and the narrative machine stay as they are, any "restraint" is a tactical pause, not a transformation.
5. Where we actually come in?
The answer is uncomfortable: part of the work is theirs (states), and part of the work is ours (societies).
States outside the empire’s core have to:
Build deep South-South economic links so sanctions hurt less.
Invest in real industrial capacity, not just exporting raw materials.
Create media, universities, and cultural circuits that don’t beg Western approval.
Coordinate politically so that when one is attacked, others cannot be quietly picked off or bribed away.
Societies, including inside the U.S. and Europe, have to:
Refuse the story that their "security" requires someone else’s open-air prison.
Turn public opinion into a threat to empire, not a lubricant.
Make it politically expensive to arm genocide and call it "self-defense."
Keep historical memory alive so every new atrocity cannot be sold as an exception.
The cycle of imperialism breaks when:
The empire cannot pay for it as easily,
Its soldiers no longer want to fight for it,
Its own population no longer believes the script,
And the rest of the world has enough alternative networks that saying "no" is survivable.
We are not there yet.
But the direction of travel is not what Washington thinks it is.
6. So is there "any chance"?
Yes.
The chance is not a miracle event.
It is a curve.
U.S. and Israeli power are still enormous.
But the fear they generate now comes with a visible counter-current:
Refusals. Boycotts. Leaks. Alternative alliances. Economic workarounds. New media ecosystems.
Empires do not fall the day they become evil.
They fall the day the cost of staying in character becomes higher than they can bear.
Financially. Militarily. Psychologically.
Our job is not to predict the exact moment.
Our job is to push that curve.
To starve their narratives of legitimacy.
To support every real alternative that loosens their grip.
To understand that "multipolarity" is not about loving Russia or China or anyone else, but about making it impossible for any one axis to do what the U.S. and Israel are doing now and still call it order.
So no, my friend, I don’t believe in a clean rescue by some rival empire.
I believe in a long, uneven, already-begun process where the ability to bomb, starve, and colonize with zero consequence shrinks year by year.
That is how the cycle breaks.
Not with a trumpet.
But with a thousand cracks that one day suddenly look like a broken wall.
I always love your analysis Sony. I have to ask though, is there any chance of breaking this cycle of imperialism by the US and Israel: whether by Russia, China or other contenders as you called them? And how if I may add?
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