Fast comment late at night: I’ll never ever tolerate any Zionist or Zionist minded comments etc. I’m a Palestinian that’s ethnically Kurdish and so are the rest of the Palestinian Kurds who are proud of both of their heritages. Downplaying anything that happened since 1917

Syrian fascists claiming Kurdish cities like Amed, Urfa, Mardin, Cizre and others that have a historic and modern Kurdish presence and history nothing short of delusional and despicable x.com/hurfedai_/status/20659…

This passage is good evidence that Kurdish groups were present in the Jazira region during the Umayyad period. It shows they were part of the local population in northern Mesopotamia at that time, since they appear directly in the same area where these events and raids took place

>Before it was called Kurdistan, it was called Arabia Proceeds to show regions that are largely not part of the Kurdistan claimed by Kurds. Beth Arbaye (Arbayistan) was a historical region that remained part of successive Iranian empires and not some Arab state.

هذا الجاهل لا يعرف ان قلعة حلب تعاقبت عليها حضارات كثيرة من الرومان الى الحمدانيين، لكن التحول الاكبر كان في العصر الأيوبي، خصوصا في عهد الملك الأيوبي الظاهر غازي بن صلاح الدين، الذي اعاد تشكيل القلعة كحصن دفاعي ومركز حكم متكامل..

هذا الشاوي لا يعرف ان الأكراد كانوا حكامه قبل ما ييجي الفرنسي يحرره من العبودية البديري الحلاق في سنة ١٧٤٧/١٧٤٨ يذكر ان قبيلة عنزة أعطت غنيمتها منها سبي نساء الشوايا "العرب" لأسياد السوريين الأكراد غير ذلك ذعر الدمشقيين و خوفهم من اسيادهم الأكراد و اضطر الوالي ان يسكت و يشاهدهم

من النوادر التي نقلت في العصر الأيوبي قصة لقاء المشطوب بابنه بعد خروجه من الأسر، فـ وجده قد اتخذ هيئة أولاد الأتراك بضفيرة الشعر، فـ استنكر ذلك وقال إن هذا ليس من شعار الأكراد، فـ أمر بقص ضفيرته

المقدسي يقول ان أهل العراق من النبط بلا عقل او لسان و الادعاء في عصره غلب و هذا في نفس كتاب احسن التقاسيم

لهذا ابن الدواداري اخذ بكلام ابن الملك الصالح إسماعيل و ابن واصل مؤرخ الأيوبيين و عماد الدين الاصبهاني كلهم يقولون ان الأيوبيين أكراد و ملكهم ملك كردي عكس الشوايا الي ادخلوا على نفسهم أبناء الزط يتزوجوا نساؤهم

لست في ديار العرب فاما افلح الأرض الي يملكها الكردي و اصمت او ارجع إلى شبه الجزيرة الي رافضتك اليوم بكلام ابن حوقل و حتى ابن تيمية

هذا الدجال العراقي يستخدم نسخ فيها زوائد من غير كلام المقدسي بل المقدسي يقول ان في النبط الكثرة و ليس العرب و هم موالي حكمهم الفرس فنسبوا انفسهم للفرس زورا لان العرب و الفرس ازدروهم لأنهم اذلاء بدون عز حكمهم عجم خراسان في العهد العباسي بقول الجاحظ

حتى المعاجم العربية المبكرة تذكر الاكراد كجماعة بشرية مميزة ومعروفة عند العرب

The nisba Al-Šākānī (شاكان) borne by an Ayyubid Kurdish governor in Yemen, Wardashār b. Bayāmī, is one of the many endless arguments against the term Kurd being a generic Iranian nomad term, as this nisba points to a firm connection to the Kurdish tribes in Persis/Fars in south-western Iran bearing the same name. Iranian historian Al-Balkhī attests a constituent tribe of the great Kurdish Shabankara confederacy written as Šakān (شكان), or possibly Šikān. Iranian historian Al-Istakhrī separately lists the Šāhākān(iyyah) (شاهاكان) as one of the Kurdish tribes of Fars. The difference between Šakān and Šākān is only one of vowel length, as the ا marking the long ā is absent in Šakān, leaving the first vowel short and indeterminate. This is an unremarkable point of difference, and doesn't violate any linguistic rule that would distinguish them as separate terms. Secondly, we can look into the other example of Šāhākān to Šākān. One might assume there is an introduction of the ها (hā) sound. Although less straightforward than the previous example, there another possible scenario. The ها (hā) sound is in fact more likely a retention of how the original Kurdish tribe was called. Take for example Malikshāhi's tribal reduction to Melkişî. As a quick note the second ā in Šāhākān might be a mistake by the authors, which would then produce Šāh-akān instead, meaning it is not even a ها (hā) sound. Either way, the point stands regardless. The most probable cause of outcome would be Šāh()kān got reduced to Šākān. Considering these are Kurdish tribes living in Fars, during the same time, the likelihood they are the same is very high. Their connection to the Ayyubid tribal Šākānī, even more so. To think the term Kurd meant generic Iranian nomads, when pre-Islamic attestations explicitly mention Kurds as a specific tribal organisation within the Iranian populace, and 99.9% of all post-Islamic attestations are also specifically pertaining to the Kurdish ethnicity, is an example of delusions, ignorance, and jealousy. This line of thought is to delegitimise Kurdish roots and heritage, so to incorporate it into other people's history. The Kurds of south-west Iran are indeed related to the Kurds of today. Moreover, the Kurds of Fars in south-west Iran are exactly where Kurds of Kurdistan came from, and we know this through linguistics, history, genetics, and more. Thinking south-west Iran only had Persian speakers further back in history is kindergarten levels of literacy. Assuming it's not feasible for Kurds to exists in these regions has been thoroughly debunked repeatedly.

Al-Maqrizi,in Al-Suluk,mentions that"Ajamiyya"was used inside the Ayyubid family, for example when al-Adil got angry at his son al-Muazzam and spoke to him in a language other than Arabic. In this Ayyubid context,Ajamiyya basically refers to their mother tongue which is Kurdish..

Minted silver coin of the Ayyubid Kurdish Muslim ruler Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn Yūsuf ibn Ayyūb (Saladin), presenting himself with a Sāsānian-style three-pointed merlon crown, which he used to serve as a powerful symbol of legitimacy, which his pre-Islamic ancestors associated with the Xwarrah (divine glory) of the Iranian king of kings. Particularly against the long standing enemies, the Romans/Westerners world, which re-emerged in Saladin’s time in the form of the Crusaders. Contrary to what many people assume, the Ayyubids were largely aware of their Kurdish heritage and their deep historical connections to Iran and the Iranian world. While the Ayyubids were staunch patrons and sponsors of Sunni Shāfiʿī Islam, particularly the Ashʿarī creed, and worked from Egypt against remnants of the Shīʿite Fāṭimid regime, they did not abandon their Kurdish and Iranian heritage. Even though their headquarters was located in an Arab and Egyptian society, they preserved Iranian customs such as the celebration of Nowrūz (the Iranian New Year which had two forms, one Zoroastrian, and one secular in the Iranian world). The Arab historian Abū Shāma Shihāb al-Dīn al-Maḳdisī records that Saladin’s father, Najm al-Dīn, requested his then overlord Nūr al-Dīn Zangī to arrive in Egypt at the beginning of the Nowrūz season so he could go to his son Saladin, and the rest of his family, and dependants as they celebrate. Despite being based far from Kurdistan, the Ayyubid military and political structure remained heavily dominated by Kurds. This is why some contemporary and later authors, such as Muḥammad al-Khazrajī, referred to the Ayyubids as the “Kurdish State.” The most elite troops in the Ayyubid army were the Kurdish Mihrāniyya corps, who served under Ispahsālārs. The name Mihrāniyya literally means “of Mithra,” referring to the Zoroastrian deity of contracts, oaths, Judications, and a protector of truth. The title Ispahsālār itself is a post-Islamic military rank derived from Middle Persian Spāh-Sālār, which traces back to the old Sāsānian officer rank of Spāhbad. The only record of an Ayyubid we have that talks about the origins of Kurds as a people, Abū al-Fidāʾ/Abulfeda, a relative of Saladin, explicitly states that Kurds are racially, a group, within the Persian people. Which in Arabic, the language he published his book in, is used interchangeably with what was natively known as Iranian.