Hi Ian,
Your position is very immoral and essentially what you are doing here is downplaying the issue of arms trade with a country alleged to be engaging in atrocity and war crimes.
Perhaps most despicable is your not so subtle attempt to promote the idea that we shouldn't criticise or condemn Israel for slaughtering Palestinians or its wholesale destruction of Gaza because some Israeli tech has allegedly saved the lives of British soldiers in Iraq & Afghanistan.
Now let's break down your remarks;
It is indeed true that UK direct exports of major conventional weapons and other military equipment to Israel have been minimal for decades (SIPRI data shows none of note since the 1970s).
However, UK companies supply critical components, especially for the F-35 combat aircraft (UK manufactures ~15% by value of each F-35; Israel operates dozens and has used them extensively in Gaza operations). The UK has also provided direct real-time support to Israel through our airbase in Cyprus.
Furthermore, indirect exports via “incorporation” licences (parts going to the US or elsewhere for F-35 assembly destined for Israel) add substantial value. CAAT data shows hundreds of millions in relevant licences over recent years.
In late 2024, the UK approved £127.6 million in single individual export licences (SIELs) to Israel — more than the combined total for 2020–2023. Israeli customs data recorded record-high UK arms/munitions imports in 2025 (e.g., highest monthly values since records began, including bullets and other munitions). Some of this information has been obtained through colleagues and activists inside Israel itself.
So, while the absolute volume is small relative to Israel’s overall imports and defence budget, it is definitely not “infinitesimal” in key high-tech areas (F-35 components) or when including indirect flows and recent increases. The UK’s own licensing data and Israeli import records contradict any claim of negligible impact.
It is also the impact of the UK's contributions that are under scrutiny here not simple the monetary value of the arms exports.
The mutualism you discuss in your post regarding Israeli technology saving the lives of British soldiers operating in Afghanistan and Iraq does not outweigh or erase the UK's complicity in Israel's crimes against the Palestinians.
As for your claim about Israeli intelligence contributing to the prevention of terror attacks in the UK - this is difficult to verify publicly and likely you are overstating this as an example and its also very evident that Israeli intelligence sharing & cooperation is certainly not the sole or primary factor in preventing terror attacks in the UK. Basically, while cooperation certainly does exist and is mutually beneficial, your phrasing implies a more decisive, unilateral Israeli role than the evidence publicly supports.
As for your claim regarding Israeli technology and RAF aircraft... this is absolute nonsense and very insulting to our brilliant RAF engineers.
There is simply no credible evidence that Israeli technology is essential for RAF operational combat aircraft (Typhoon, F-35B, etc.) to fly or function. Israeli tech is not indispensable for UK-operated jets. So you are telling a bare faced lie right there matey.
The legal case for restricting or halting arms exports rests on risk assessment and obligations under domestic and international law, not on whether the trade is “big” or “small.” Even limited transfers can trigger serious responsibilities if there is credible risk of misuse or complicity in war crimes. In other words, it doesn't matter if we sold only a single bullet to Israel, if that bullet is used to murder a Palestinian child then we are complicit.
I don't really have the time or patience to further explain why the question of volume of trade is secondary (or irrelevant) to the legal question of our obligations as a state under international law.
But do keep being an apologist.