Fable is back!

The maintainers of @openclaw Q&A @BradGroux @vincent_koc @_JacobTomlinson @joshavant @github @steipete @ashleywolf github-afterhours-openclaw.g…

Such a privilege to work with Microsoft to bring claws to enterprises!

OpenClaw folks will be at the Open Source Zone on the conference floor, @steipete also has a session on Tuesday, and we're hosting an OpenClaw event with @github on the evening of the 3rd! luma.com/OpenClaw-GitHub I'm building a web app to share my location while on the ground. Will share via my Twitter over the weekend.

🔮 My predictions for #MSBuild from the @MicrosoftAI team 🔮 ✅ MAI frontier model becomes Top 8 (maybe muse spark-ish. MAI-1 goes out of preview or called MAI-1.5/MAI-2) ✅ Official OpenClaw support. (Similar to NVIDIA's Nemoclaw and Microsoft's Cowork move) ✅ Big hardware play with NVIDIA for both power LLM users and running Claw-like environments (and virtual option) Local is too big to ignore. ✅ Phi-4 updates. Maybe 4.5 or Phi-5. Don't see them competing with Gemma 4, but closing the gap.

Insanely clever marketing. It’s a water stencil so what they’re doing is power washing the sidewalk and creating the words with the dirt that remains.

Personal update: I've joined Anthropic. I think the next few years at the frontier of LLMs will be especially formative. I am very excited to join the team here and get back to R&D. I remain deeply passionate about education and plan to resume my work on it in time.

My conversation with @danawhite, president and CEO of the @UFC. 0:00 Founders Are the Best Storytellers 1:04 Buying the UFC for $2M 2:51 Excellence Is the Capacity to Take Pain 7:58 One Good Night's Sleep and "Fuck It, Let's Keep Going" 10:53 The Ultimate Fighter: A $10M Bet-It-All Moment 13:12 The Napkin Deal With Spike TV 22:00 Leaving Spike TV and the Phil Duman Story 28:24 First Event Profitable: What He Does Differently Now 32:30 Why Dana Sits Ringside Watching a Screen 34:07 Building a Team That Can Read His Mind 45:10 "Who the Fuck Are You and What Have You Done?" 51:55 Selling the UFC for $4 Billion 57:32 Not Cutting a Single Employee During COVID 1:03:30 Firing a Sponsor Who Told Him How to Vote 1:07:45 There Is No Plan B 1:09:00 Joe Rogan: Doing the First 12 Fights for Free 1:12:37 Loyalty Is the Most Important Thing Includes paid partnerships.

Going to pick a @knicks superfan to come with me to the knicks game tonight... here is how the contest works: -- Retweet this tweet -- Follow my new podcast: @thisweeknai -- comment below that you joined... Will announce at 5pm ET / Knicks time the winner

It's been quite a week. Good stuff is coming though. I hired a team! openclaw.ai/blog/openclaw-ro…

weekend projects! never stop! @NVIDIAAI @elonmusk @naval @EricJorgenson

"I am no longer willing to permit a pedophile, rapist, and traitor to coat my hands with his crimes." This would be a great time for Democrats to admit Trump is not actually a pedophile, rapist or traitor. Just telling the truth would go a long way to reducing the insanity.

How ready is your site for Agents? Find out at: isitagentready.com/ A new tool we're introducing as part of Agents Week: blog.cloudflare.com/agent-re…

Introducing Claude Opus 4.7, our most capable Opus model yet. It handles long-running tasks with more rigor, follows instructions more precisely, and verifies its own outputs before reporting back. You can hand off your hardest work with less supervision.

You tried to paint me as a pervert for exposing fraud, and as a result radical leftists started trying to dox me and send death threats, wanting to kill me. Now you are taking credit for “leading the charge” on the fraud. Are you serious? You are the fraud.

Food for thought. Trump, Hormuz and the End of the Free Ride For half a century, Western strategists have known that the Strait of Hormuz is the acute point where energy, sea power and political will intersect. That knowledge is not in dispute. What is new in this war with Iran is that the United States, under Donald Trump, has chosen not to rush to “solve” the problem. In Hegelian terms, he is refusing an easy synthesis in order to force the underlying contradiction to the surface. The old thesis was simple: the US guarantees open sea lanes in the Gulf, and everyone else structures their economies and politics around that free insurance. Europe and the UK embraced ambitious green policies, ran down hard‑power capabilities and lectured Washington on multilateral virtue, secure in the assumption that American carriers would always appear off Hormuz. The political class behaved as if the American security guarantee were a law of nature, not a contingent choice. Their conduct today is closer to Chamberlain than Churchill: temporising, issuing statements, hoping the storm will pass without a fundamental reordering of their responsibilities. Trump’s antithesis is to withhold the automatic guarantee at the moment of maximum stress. Militarily, the US can break Iran’s residual ability to contest the Strait; that is not the binding constraint. The point is to delay that act. By allowing a closure or semi‑closure to bite, Trump ensures that the immediate pain is concentrated in exactly the jurisdictions that have most conspicuously free‑ridden on US power: the EU and the UK. Their industries, consumers and energy‑transition assumptions are exposed. In that context, his reported blunt message to European and British leaders, you need the oil out of the Strait more than we do; why don’t you go and take it? Is not a throwaway line. It is the verbalisation of the antithesis. It openly reverses the traditional presumption that America will carry the burden while its allies emote from the sidelines. In this dialectic, the prize is not simply the reopening of a chokepoint. The prize is a reordered system in which the United States effectively arbitrages and controls the global flow of oil. A world in which US‑aligned production in the Americas plus a discretionary capability to secure,or not secure, Hormuz places Washington at the centre of the hydrocarbon chessboard. For that strategic end, a rapid restoration of the old status quo would be counterproductive. A quick, surgical “fix” of Hormuz would short‑circuit the dialectic. If Trump rapidly crushed Iran’s remaining coastal capabilities, swept the mines and escorted tankers back through the Strait, Europe and the UK would heave a sigh of relief and return to business as usual: underfunded militaries, maximalist green posturing and performative disdain for US power, all underwritten by that same power. The contradiction between their dependence and their posture would remain latent. By declining to supply the synthesis on demand, and by explicitly telling London and Brussels to “go and take it” themselves, Trump forces a reckoning. European and British leaders must confront the fact that their energy systems, their industrial bases and their geopolitical sermons all rest on an American hard‑power foundation they neither finance nor politically respect. The longer the contradiction is allowed to unfold, the stronger the eventual synthesis can be: a new order in which access to secure flows, Hormuz, Venezuela and beyond, is explicitly conditional on real contributions, not assumed as a right. In that sense, the delay in “taking” the Strait, and the challenge issued to US allies to do it themselves, is not indecision. It is the negative moment Hegel insisted was necessary for history to move. Only by withholding the old guarantee, and by saying so out loud to those who depended on it, can Trump hope to end the free ride.